Polyimide F46 Film Market Outlook and Future Projections for 2030CHARLESTON, S.C. (AP) — KyKy Tandy scored 21 points and Florida Atlantic pulled away late in the second half to beat Oklahoma State 86-78 on Thursday in the Charleston Classic. It was the second straight loss by a Power Four team in the tournament after Miami fell to Drake in the opener. Florida Atlantic (4-2) plays the Bulldogs in the semifinals on Friday, while Oklahoma State (3-1) battles the Hurricanes in a consolation game. Leland Walker completed a three-point play with 4:38 left in the second half to give FAU its first lead, 68-67, since it was 16-14. Tandy made a 3-pointer from the corner to cap FAU’s 11-1 run for a 75-68 lead with 2:41 left. Oklahoma State went five-plus minutes without a field goal late in the second half until Brandon Newman made a fast-break layup with 1:17 remaining. But Ken Evans Jr. answered with a three-point play at the other end for a nine-point lead. The Cowboys turned it over on their next possession with 52.3 seconds left. Evans finished with 13 points, Walker scored 12 and Tre Carroll had 10 for FAU. The Owls attempted 49 free throws leading to three Oklahoma State players fouling out and three others finishing with four fouls. Khalil Brantley had 16 points and Robert Jennings II scored a career-high 14 points to go with 11 rebounds for Oklahoma State. Patrick Suemnick was helped off the floor with 1:40 left in the first half and did not return. Oklahoma State led 39-34 at halftime despite making just 33.3% of its shots. FAU shot a better percentage from the field (47.8) than at the free-throw line (46.7) in the first half. ___ Get poll alerts and updates on the AP Top 25 throughout the season. Sign up . AP college basketball: and
KyKy Tandy scores 21 and Florida Atlantic pulls away late to beat Oklahoma State 86-78
Trump picks Indian American COVID lockdown critic as next NIH director
By Lindsay Shachnow Two flights arriving at Boston Logan International Airport Sunday afternoon with occupants suffering from “various illnesses” prompted alerts sent to the CDC, according to officials. Massport, which is responsible for Logan Airport’s operations, contacted the CDC “out of an abundance of caution,” a spokesperson for the airport operator told Boston.com. Massport fire responded to two flights, on Delta and Avianca, that reported having sick passengers, the spokesperson said. Sunday’s Delta Flight DL225 and Avianca Flight 444 were affected. While “no customers reported illness,” a spokesperson for Delta told Boston.com that two Delta flight attendants were evaluated by EMTs upon arrival. There was “no public health authority involvement to respond to two [members of] Delta’s flight crew who sought medical attention yesterday after not feeling well,” Delta’s spokesperson said. An Avianca spokesperson said on a flight from San Salvador to Boston “a case of a sick passenger was reported, but no additional irregularities occurred.” Lindsay Shachnow Lindsay Shachnow covers general assignment news for Boston.com , reporting on breaking news, crime, and politics across New England. Boston.com Today Sign up to receive the latest headlines in your inbox each morning. Be civil. Be kind.
WASHINGTON (AP) — Special counsel Jack Smith moved to abandon two criminal cases against Donald Trump on Monday, acknowledging that Trump’s return to the White House will preclude attempts to federally prosecute him for retaining classified documents or trying to overturn his 2020 election defeat. The decision was inevitable, since longstanding Justice Department policy says sitting presidents cannot face criminal prosecution. Yet it was still a momentous finale to an unprecedented chapter in political and law enforcement history, as federal officials attempted to hold accountable a former president while he was simultaneously running for another term. Trump emerges indisputably victorious, having successfully delayed the investigations through legal maneuvers and then winning re-election despite indictments that described his actions as a threat to the country's constitutional foundations. “I persevered, against all odds, and WON," Trump exulted in a post on Truth Social, his social media website. He also said that “these cases, like all of the other cases I have been forced to go through, are empty and lawless, and should never have been brought.” The outcome makes it clear that, when it comes to a president and criminal accusations, nothing supersedes the voters' own verdict. In court filings, Smith's team emphasized that the move to end their prosecutions was not a reflection of the merit of the cases but a recognition of the legal shield that surrounds any commander in chief. “That prohibition is categorical and does not turn on the gravity of the crimes charged, the strength of the Government’s proof, or the merits of the prosecution, which the Government stands fully behind,” prosecutors said in one of their filings. They wrote that Trump’s return to the White House “sets at odds two fundamental and compelling national interests: on the one hand, the Constitution’s requirement that the President must not be unduly encumbered in fulfilling his weighty responsibilities . . . and on the other hand, the Nation’s commitment to the rule of law.” In this situation, “the Constitution requires that this case be dismissed before the defendant is inaugurated,” they concluded. Smith’s team said it was leaving intact charges against two co-defendants in the classified documents case — Trump valet Walt Nauta and Mar-a-Lago property manager Carlos De Oliveira — because “no principle of temporary immunity applies to them.” Steven Cheung, Trump's incoming White House communications director, said Americans “want an immediate end to the political weaponization of our justice system and we look forward to uniting our country.” Trump has long described the investigations as politically motivated, and he has vowed to fire Smith as soon as he takes office in January. Now he will start his second term free from criminal scrutiny by the government that he will lead. The election case brought last year was once seen as one of the most serious legal threats facing Trump as he tried to reclaim the White House. He was indicted for plotting to overturn his defeat to Joe Biden in 2020, an effort that climaxed with his supporters' violent attack on the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021. But the case quickly stalled amid legal fighting over Trump’s sweeping claims of immunity from prosecution for acts he took while in the White House. The U.S. Supreme Court in July ruled for the first time that former presidents have broad immunity from prosecution, and sent the case back to U.S. District Judge Tanya Chutkan to determine which allegations in the indictment, if any, could proceed to trial. The case was just beginning to pick up steam again in the trial court in the weeks leading up to this year’s election. Smith’s team in October filed a lengthy brief laying out new evidence they planned to use against him at trial, accusing him of “resorting to crimes” in an increasingly desperate effort to overturn the will of voters after he lost to Biden. In asking for the election case to be dismissed, prosecutors requested that Chutkan do it “without prejudice,” raising the possibility that they could try to bring charges against Trump again after he leaves office. But such a move may be barred by the statute of limitations, and Trump may also try to pardon himself while in office. The separate case involving classified documents had been widely seen as legally clear cut, especially because the conduct in question occurred after Trump left the White House and lost the powers of the presidency. The indictment included dozens of felony counts accusing him of illegally hoarding classified records from his presidency at his Mar-a-Lago estate in Palm Beach, Florida, and obstructing federal efforts to get them back. He has pleaded not guilty and denied wrongdoing. The case quickly became snarled by delays, with U.S. District Judge Aileen Cannon slow to issue rulings — which favored Trump’s strategy of pushing off deadlines in all his criminal cases — while also entertaining defense motions and arguments that experts said other judges would have dispensed with without hearings. In May, she indefinitely canceled the trial date amid a series of unresolved legal issues before dismissing the case outright two months later. Smith’s team appealed the decision, but now has given up that effort. Trump faced two other state prosecutions while running for president. One them, a New York case involving hush money payments, resulted in a conviction on felony charges of falsifying business records. It was the first time a former president had been found guilty of a crime. The sentencing in that case is on hold as Trump's lawyers try to have the conviction dismissed before he takes office, arguing that letting the verdict stand will interfere with his presidential transition and duties. Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg's office is fighting the dismissal but has indicated that it would be open to delaying sentencing until Trump leaves office. Bragg, a Democrat, has said the solution needs to balance the obligations of the presidency with “the sanctity of the jury verdict." Trump was also indicted in Georgia along with 18 others accused of participating in a sprawling scheme to illegally overturn the 2020 presidential election there. Any trial appears unlikely there while Trump holds office. The prosecution already was on hold after an appeals court agreed to review whether to remove Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis over her romantic relationship with the special prosecutor she had hired to lead the case. Four defendants have pleaded guilty after reaching deals with prosecutors. Trump and the others have pleaded not guilty. Associated Press writers Colleen Long, Michael Sisak and Lindsay Whitehurst contributed to this story. Copyright 2024 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without permission. Be the first to know Get local news delivered to your inbox!
In the shadowy world of Malawi’s fuel procurement, a fierce battle is unfolding—one that pits the nation’s highest office against a determined power broker in a fight for control over billions in fuel revenue. At the heart of this conflict is Colleen Zamba, the embattled Secretary to the President and Cabinet, whose smear campaign against President Lazarus Chakwera has become a full-blown media war. Her motive? To protect her alleged involvement in fuel cartels that have reportedly siphoned off over K60 billion from the nation’s coffers. Sources within the corridors of power say that the roots of Zamba’s campaign stretch back to a pivotal moment: President Chakwera’s decision to sideline her from any involvement in the country’s fuel procurement process. The decision was made last month when Chakwera announced the formation of a new Taskforce on Fuel Procurement, designed to tackle the ongoing fuel crisis that has left Malawians grappling with shortages, high prices, and corrupt dealings in the fuel supply chain. With Chakwera’s move, Zamba—once a central figure in the procurement process—was effectively removed from the decision-making table, an act that has sent shockwaves through the corridors of power. But rather than retreat quietly, Zamba has launched a ruthless counteroffensive, one that involves strategic media manipulation, covert influence over journalists, and carefully planted disinformation. Her goal? To tarnish the reputation of the President, discredit the new taskforce, and, in her own words, “expose” what she claims is a flawed and illegal system that bypasses proper protocols. In a bid to end the rampant corruption in fuel procurement, President Chakwera appointed Energy Minister Ibrahim Matola as the Cabinet-level coordinator, with Henry Kachaje, chairperson of the Malawi Energy Regulatory Authority (MERA), acting as the technical coordinator. The taskforce also includes figures such as Reverend Zac Kawalala, a Pentecostal cleric with a reputation for honesty, and Hellen Buluma, the former CEO of the National Oil Company of Malawi (NOCMA), who had previously implicated Zamba in shady fuel deals. With these figures at the helm, the taskforce has already signed agreements with fuel suppliers in Kenya, Abu Dhabi, and the UAE, shifting the country toward government-to-government fuel supply agreements that cut out the middlemen, including those allegedly connected to Zamba’s operations. This direct approach is designed to save Malawi from the massive financial losses it has suffered in recent years, with experts predicting that it will lead to better fuel availability and lower prices by December. But Zamba, whose influence over the country’s fuel procurement had been long established, is determined to maintain her grip on the lucrative business. And she has begun her battle by targeting the individuals leading the charge for change. A key source close to the taskforce revealed the extent of Zamba’s campaign, which operates like a well-oiled machine, drawing on her vast network of contacts and influence. According to the source, Zamba is using a combination of bribery, manipulation, and media control to undermine the taskforce and cast doubt on its integrity. “She is paying senior journalists and editors at leading media outlets to run negative stories about the taskforce,” the source disclosed. “These stories are not based on fact, but on rumors and innuendos that paint the taskforce as corrupt, illegal, and bypassing protocols. She is also talking to influencers on social media, telling them that the taskforce’s work is not legitimate. The aim is to disorient the public and create a sense of chaos around the taskforce.” Indeed, over the past few weeks, negative stories about the taskforce have flooded the media, with reports claiming that the team is overstepping its mandate, that its members are unqualified, or that the government-to-government agreements with foreign suppliers are part of a secret deal to funnel money to “unscrupulous individuals.” These narratives, though lacking concrete evidence, have been picked up by various outlets, fueling skepticism among the public. One particularly damaging smear claimed that the inclusion of Reverend Kawalala in the taskforce was nothing more than a ploy to hide the President’s true intentions, implying that Chakwera was using the cleric to shield the taskforce from scrutiny. Another report suggested that the new procurement model would lead to widespread fuel shortages rather than solving the crisis. These stories are also designed to cause friction between Chakwera and his key allies within the taskforce, such as Minister Matola and Prince Kapondamgaga, the President’s Chief of Staff. Zamba’s strategy, according to insiders, is to divide and conquer by sowing discord among those closest to the President. For Zamba, the stakes are high. The fuel procurement process is a highly profitable industry, and her alleged ties to various fuel cartels have raised questions about her financial interests in maintaining the status quo. The claims of shoddy deals, inflated prices, and kickbacks in the past fuel procurement arrangements have made Zamba a controversial figure. According to one source, Zamba has been accused of manipulating contracts and siphoning off state funds through a network of intermediaries who controlled the flow of fuel imports. “It’s no secret that Zamba has made millions from fuel deals over the years,” said a senior government official who spoke on condition of anonymity. “Her network is vast, and it’s well-known that she’s used her position to secure lucrative commissions and kickbacks. The taskforce is a direct threat to that power.” Zamba’s supporters, however, argue that her removal from the procurement process is politically motivated. They claim that Chakwera’s decision to form the taskforce was not based on a desire for reform, but on personal vendettas and a power struggle within the ruling party. Chakwera’s Stance: Standing Firm Despite the onslaught, President Chakwera has remained resolute in his support for the taskforce. Sources at State House suggest that Chakwera is determined to see the reforms through, confident that figures like Hellen Buluma, Ibrahim Matola, and Reverend Kawalala have the experience and integrity to break the stranglehold of corruption in Malawi’s fuel industry. “Zamba’s attacks will not deter us,” said a senior official within the taskforce. “We have a clear mandate from the President to overhaul the fuel procurement system and ensure transparency. The taskforce is working hard, and we will deliver results. The media campaign is simply a distraction.” As December approaches and the new fuel procurement model takes effect, Malawians will be watching closely. Will Zamba’s smear campaign succeed in destabilizing the taskforce and halting the much-needed reforms, or will the President’s bold move to clean up the fuel sector finally bear fruit? Only time will tell, but one thing is certain: the battle for control over Malawi’s fuel industry is far from over. Sharing is caring!