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Not having big expectations isn’t always a bad thing. The pressure was amplified last year as North Ridgeville was the preseason favorite to win the Southwestern Conference. Because of injuries and ultimately the pressure, the Rangers fell short and finished fifth in the SWC with an overall record of 13-10. Ridgeville needed to replace four starters this offseason, including its talented three-man senior class. Now without the preseason expectations, the Rangers will fly under the radar and are poised for a bounce-back year. “It’s nice not having the expectation and the target on our back,” North Ridgeville coach Ben Chase said. “I feel like the last two years, the pressure on the kids, not to mention from outside, getting picked to win the league. Our kids knew that if you’re getting picked to win the league, you can’t lose. That created a lot of pressure.” North Ridgeville had star players Jake Boynar and Griffin Turay to rely on over the past two seasons. There isn’t a go-to guy on this year’s squad. However, the Rangers have strong depth and several players who can produce. This version of the Rangers has size and athleticism. Additionally, Chase says this is the smartest team he has coached in his four years at the helm. “I think people might underestimate us a little bit,” Chase said. “But if you watch us practice and watch us scrimmage, those kids have really good chemistry, which is exciting. When I took over as the head coach, these were the freshmen that came in. This is four years of hard work for these kids and they’re excited to show what they can do.” Last year’s SWC race came down to the final game as Elyria edged Berea-Midpark for the outright title. Those two teams are slated to be at the top once again. But everything else is wide open. The Rangers drew the short straw losing as much production as they did, but they expect to be in it this year. Owen Pawul is the lone returning starter and Charlie Steinmetz also played significant minutes. The Rangers’ ceiling this year hinges on the others who will have expanded roles. Miller has waited for his chance to become the point guard, and he has now earned that spot. Fellow seniors Dean Ighneim, Brett Lienerth and Ndeh Tuma all return along with junior Cole Miller and sophomore Luke Rowe. “I’ve been playing with these guys as long as I can remember,” Miller said. “We have such good ball movement right now, you can see it every practice. This team just seems special, we work really well together.” Depending on how teams fit together, not having a main option can ruin a season. That won’t be the case here. It’s to the Rangers’ benefit to not have a go-to scorer because what could make this team special is the ball movement. There not be a target on their backs this year, but there’s still a program standard to maintain. Last season’s struggles have motivated this group. “You’ll always face injuries, you’ll always face adversity,” Steinmetz said. “You just have to work together as a team through those moments and keep going. I would say we have a lot of guys that can move the ball, are fast and hard-working. I feel like we all can share the ball and make some plays for the team.” North Ridgeville opens up its season against Lorain at Midview’s DiFranco Classic on Nov. 27. It will be an early test for the new-look Rangers to go up against the Titans’ athleticism. A new era starts with a new mentality for the Rangers. “We are just continuing to tell them ‘process over results’,” Chase said. “I feel like we talked about the result a little too much over the past couple of years because there of the expectations. We’re really just focusing on making sure that we’re doing everything we do to the best of our ability and at the highest level.”
WASHINGTON (AP) — Donald Trump’s personnel choices for his new Cabinet and White House reflect his signature positions on immigration and trade but also a range of viewpoints and backgrounds that raise questions about what ideological anchors might guide his Oval Office encore. With a rapid assembly of his second administration — faster than his effort eight years ago — the former and incoming president has combined television personalities , former Democrats, a wrestling executive and traditional elected Republicans into a mix that makes clear his intentions to impose tariffs on imported goods and crack down on illegal immigration but leaves open a range of possibilities on other policy pursuits. “The president has his two big priorities and doesn’t feel as strongly about anything else — so it’s going to be a real jump ball and zigzag,” predicted Marc Short, chief of staff to Vice President Mike Pence during Trump’s 2017-21 term. “In the first administration, he surrounded himself with more conservative thinkers, and the results showed we were mostly rowing in the same direction. This is more eclectic.” Indeed, Secretary of State-designee Marco Rubio , the Florida senator who has pilloried authoritarian regimes around the world, is in line to serve as top diplomat to a president who praises autocratic leaders like Russia’s Vladimir Putin and Hungary’s Viktor Orban. Republican Rep. Lori Chavez-DeRemer of Oregon has been tapped to sit at the Cabinet table as a pro-union labor secretary alongside multiple billionaires, former governors and others who oppose making it easier for workers to organize themselves. The prospective treasury secretary, Scott Bessent , wants to cut deficits for a president who promised more tax cuts, better veterans services and no rollbacks of the largest federal outlays: Social Security, Medicare and national defense. Abortion-rights supporter Robert F. Kennedy Jr. is Trump's choice to lead the Health and Human Services Department, which Trump’s conservative Christian base has long targeted as an agency where the anti-abortion movement must wield more influence. Former Republican House Speaker Newt Gingrich allowed that members of Trump’s slate will not always agree with the president and certainly not with one another. But he minimized the potential for irreconcilable differences: “A strong Cabinet, by definition, means you’re going to have people with different opinions and different skills.” That kind of unpredictability is at the core of Trump’s political identity. He is the erstwhile reality TV star who already upended Washington once and is returning to power with sweeping, sometimes contradictory promises that convinced voters, especially those in the working class, that he will do it all again. “What Donald Trump has done is reorient political leadership and activism to a more entrepreneurial spirit,” Gingrich said. There's also plenty of room for conflict, given the breadth of Trump's 2024 campaign promises and his pattern of cycling through Cabinet members and national security personnel during his first term. This time, Trump has pledged to impose tariffs on foreign goods, end illegal immigration and launch a mass deportation force, goose U.S. energy production and exact retribution on people who opposed — and prosecuted — him. He's added promises to cut taxes, raise wages, end wars in Israel and Ukraine , streamline government, protect Social Security and Medicare, help veterans and squelch cultural progressivism. Trump alluded to some of those promises in recent weeks as he completed his proposed roster of federal department heads and named top White House staff members. But his announcements skimmed over any policy paradoxes or potential complications. Bessent has crusaded as a deficit hawk, warning that the ballooning national debt , paired with higher interest rates, drives consumer inflation. But he also supports extending Trump’s 2017 tax cuts that added to the overall debt and annual debt service payments to investors who buy Treasury notes. A hedge-fund billionaire, Bessent built his wealth in world markets. Yet, generally speaking, he’s endorsed Trump's tariffs. He rejects the idea that they feed inflation and instead frames tariffs as one-time price adjustments and leverage to achieve U.S. foreign policy and domestic economic aims. Trump, for his part, declared that Bessent would “help me usher in a new Golden Age for the United States.” Chavez-DeRemer, Trump promised, “will achieve historic cooperation between Business and Labor that will restore the American Dream for Working Families.” Trump did not address the Oregon congresswoman’s staunch support for the PRO-Act, a Democratic-backed measure that would make it easier for workers to unionize, among other provisions. That proposal passed the House when Democrats held a majority. But it’s never had measurable Republican support in either chamber on Capitol Hill, and Trump has never made it part of his agenda. When Trump named Kennedy as his pick for health secretary, he did not mention the former Democrat’s support for abortion rights. Instead, Trump put the focus on Kennedy’s intention to take on the U.S. agriculture, food processing and drug manufacturing sectors. The vagaries of Trump’s foreign policy stand out, as well. Trump's choice for national security adviser , Florida Rep. Mike Waltz, offered mixed messages Sunday when discussing the Russia-Ukraine war, which Trump claims never would have started had he been president, because he would have prevailed on Putin not to invade his neighboring country. Speaking on “Fox News Sunday,” Waltz repeated Trump’s concerns over recent escalations, which include President Joe Biden approving sending antipersonnel mines to Ukrainian forces. “We need to restore deterrence, restore peace and get ahead of this escalation ladder, rather than responding to it,” Waltz said. But in the same interview, Waltz declared the mines necessary to help Ukraine “stop Russian gains” and said he’s working “hand in glove” with Biden’s team during the transition. Meanwhile, Tulsi Gabbard, Trump’s pick for director of national intelligence , the top intelligence post in government, is an outspoken defender of Putin and Syrian President Bashar al Assad, a close ally of Russia and Iran. Perhaps the biggest wildcards of Trump’s governing constellation are budget-and-spending advisers Russell Vought, Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy. Vought led Trump’s Office of Management and Budget in his first term and is in line for the same post again. Musk, the world’s wealthiest man, and Ramaswamy, a mega-millionaire venture capitalist, are leading an outside advisory panel known as the “Department of Government Efficiency.” The latter effort is a quasi-official exercise to identify waste. It carries no statutory authority, but Trump can route Musk’s and Ramaswamy’s recommendations to official government pathways, including via Vought. A leading author of Project 2025 , the conservative movement’s blueprint for a hard-right turn in U.S. government and society, Vought envisions OMB not just as an influential office to shape Trump’s budget proposals for Congress but a power center of the executive branch, “powerful enough to override implementing agencies’ bureaucracies.” As for how Trump might navigate differences across his administration, Gingrich pointed to Chavez-DeRemer. “He might not agree with her on union issues, but he might not stop her from pushing it herself,” Gingrich said of the PRO-Act. “And he will listen to anybody. If you convince him, he absolutely will spend presidential capital.” Short said other factors are more likely to influence Trump: personalities and, of course, loyalty . Vought “brought him potential spending cuts” in the first administration, Short said, “that Trump wouldn’t go along with.” This time, Short continued, “maybe Elon and Vivek provide backup,” giving Vought the imprimatur of two wealthy businessmen. “He will always calculate who has been good to him,” Short said. “You already see that: The unions got the labor secretary they wanted, and Putin and Assad got the DNI (intelligence chief) they wanted. ... This is not so much a team-of-rivals situation. I think it’s going to look a lot like a reality TV show.”
Cotabato City–On Tuesday, Nov. 19, 2024, Sen. Robinhood Padilla filed Senate Bill No. 2879, which aimed to establish another autonomous region to be composed of three island provinces–Basilan, Sulu, and Tawi-Tawi or the BaSulTa region. Upon hearing this news, top leaders of the current Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM) expressed their dismay that one of their ”idols” and perceived champion in the Senate has dropped another bombshell to an already beleaguered region. Many of them consider this move as “ill-advised” and insensitive to the current problems the region is facing due to the Supreme Court decision last Sept. 9 removing Sulu as a component province of the region. To recall, the Supreme Court announced its final and executory ruling that the province of Sulu is no longer part of the fledgling BARMM, to be implemented after it was announced. This news spread like wildfire, making all functionaries and leaders in the region, and several civil society organizations confused and bewildered at this sudden turn of events in the already checkered brief history of the transitional BARMM government. Padilla’s new bill is a complicated proposal to address the already complex problems faced by the region as well as its constituencies. This proposed legislation is another political “mistake” on top of another one–the exit of Sulu from the BARMM. SB 2879 is not only “ill-advised,” it is fueling another firestorm already generating powerful flames of division in the region. Such divisive national-based policies and decisions hark back to the reign of our two main colonizers–Spain and the United States of America–and these are all referred to as “divide and rule” policy. The two colonizers easily instigated divisions among clan-based communities in Mindanao and its islands many of which have been Islamized starting in 1380 AD, long before the Spaniards came here in the early 16th century. By filing this bill, Padilla is manifesting his cluelessness of the entire range of dynamics–political, social, and cultural–that gave rise to what the BARMM is now. He may be a Muslim by conversion, but he has not embedded himself in the communities of the Bangsamoro, especially those who are leading the region now as the government of the day–the leaders of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. He has not seen the suffering of the communities left behind by their heads who had to answer the call for the struggle for self-determination. He has not known how it is to be fighting a war of attrition for more than four decades without being assured of victory at the end. He has not known war on a personal level, since he has not been a part of the Bangsamoro history of struggle. He has only known war as part of his make-believe world as an actor on the big screen. He may be an effective and charismatic actor. Unfortunately, these are not the main traits required of a legislator, and a national one at that. He may be effective in playing his roles on the reel, make-believe world on the silver screen, but he has not gone through the needed training and experience of how to craft legislation, even at the barangay level. I would like to believe that as a Muslim convert, he is concerned with the dismal quality of life of many Bangsamoro Muslims in the region. He claimed this during his campaign sorties that convinced Bangsamoro voters to give their vote of confidence to him. Many of these voters have become part of the BARMM bureaucracy and consider him their champion in promoting more favorable legal instruments to benefit them in the region. The proposed BaSulTa region is not new; it is an arbitrary creation among nongovernment and religious-based organizations to come up with a way to delineate their respective initiatives by location, to distinguish the unique contexts of island communities vis-à-vis the “mainland” provinces of Lanao del Sur and now, the two Maguindanao provinces. But making it another autonomous region will raise a host of various problems, making it another set of kindling wood to an already existing conflagration that started with the exit of Sulu from the BARMM. First, the proposal will run counter to the 1987 Constitution that allows for only two autonomous regions–the ARMM, now BARMM, and the Cordillera Autonomous Region. While several sectors have advocated for reconsideration to reinstate Sulu as part of the BARMM, here is a proposal to divide the region once again. This has also raised questions on Padilla’s motives and his avowed concern and empathy for the Bangsamoro. This bill proves otherwise. Most of all, it is a proposal that spells another figurative firestorm in the region. Subscribe to our daily newsletter By providing an email address. I agree to the Terms of Use and acknowledge that I have read the Privacy Policy . [email protected]
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Walmart ( NYSE:WMT – Free Report ) had its target price lifted by Truist Financial from $89.00 to $98.00 in a research report sent to investors on Wednesday, Benzinga reports. Truist Financial currently has a buy rating on the retailer’s stock. WMT has been the subject of several other research reports. Oppenheimer raised their target price on Walmart from $81.00 to $90.00 and gave the company an “outperform” rating in a research note on Monday, October 14th. Guggenheim increased their price target on Walmart from $90.00 to $100.00 and gave the company a “buy” rating in a research report on Wednesday. UBS Group increased their price target on Walmart from $92.00 to $100.00 and gave the company a “buy” rating in a research report on Wednesday. Redburn Atlantic upgraded Walmart to a “strong-buy” rating in a research report on Monday, September 23rd. Finally, Piper Sandler increased their price target on Walmart from $83.00 to $93.00 and gave the company an “overweight” rating in a research report on Monday, November 18th. Two research analysts have rated the stock with a hold rating, twenty-nine have given a buy rating and one has issued a strong buy rating to the stock. According to data from MarketBeat, Walmart presently has an average rating of “Moderate Buy” and a consensus price target of $91.88. Get Our Latest Stock Report on WMT Walmart Price Performance Walmart ( NYSE:WMT – Get Free Report ) last announced its earnings results on Tuesday, November 19th. The retailer reported $0.58 earnings per share for the quarter, beating the consensus estimate of $0.53 by $0.05. Walmart had a return on equity of 21.78% and a net margin of 2.92%. The business had revenue of $169.59 billion during the quarter, compared to analysts’ expectations of $167.69 billion. During the same quarter last year, the business posted $0.51 earnings per share. The company’s quarterly revenue was up 5.5% on a year-over-year basis. On average, research analysts expect that Walmart will post 2.47 EPS for the current year. Insider Activity at Walmart In related news, CEO C Douglas Mcmillon sold 29,124 shares of the firm’s stock in a transaction that occurred on Thursday, September 26th. The stock was sold at an average price of $80.64, for a total value of $2,348,559.36. Following the transaction, the chief executive officer now directly owns 3,873,053 shares of the company’s stock, valued at approximately $312,322,993.92. This trade represents a 0.75 % decrease in their position. The sale was disclosed in a legal filing with the Securities & Exchange Commission, which is accessible through this link . Also, major shareholder S Robson Walton sold 4,057,369 shares of the firm’s stock in a transaction that occurred on Monday, September 9th. The shares were sold at an average price of $77.20, for a total value of $313,228,886.80. Following the completion of the transaction, the insider now directly owns 611,988,318 shares in the company, valued at $47,245,498,149.60. The trade was a 0.66 % decrease in their ownership of the stock. The disclosure for this sale can be found here . In the last ninety days, insiders have sold 12,337,337 shares of company stock valued at $958,823,647. Corporate insiders own 45.58% of the company’s stock. Institutional Trading of Walmart A number of hedge funds and other institutional investors have recently added to or reduced their stakes in WMT. WFA Asset Management Corp grew its holdings in Walmart by 201.0% in the 1st quarter. WFA Asset Management Corp now owns 2,092 shares of the retailer’s stock valued at $126,000 after buying an additional 1,397 shares during the last quarter. Dupont Capital Management Corp grew its holdings in Walmart by 165.4% in the 1st quarter. Dupont Capital Management Corp now owns 270,147 shares of the retailer’s stock valued at $16,255,000 after buying an additional 168,346 shares during the last quarter. Tiemann Investment Advisors LLC grew its holdings in shares of Walmart by 186.8% during the 1st quarter. Tiemann Investment Advisors LLC now owns 12,218 shares of the retailer’s stock worth $735,000 after purchasing an additional 7,958 shares in the last quarter. InterOcean Capital Group LLC grew its holdings in shares of Walmart by 211.0% during the 1st quarter. InterOcean Capital Group LLC now owns 1,710,257 shares of the retailer’s stock worth $102,906,000 after purchasing an additional 1,160,354 shares in the last quarter. Finally, Natixis grew its holdings in shares of Walmart by 96.7% during the 1st quarter. Natixis now owns 921,820 shares of the retailer’s stock worth $55,466,000 after purchasing an additional 453,101 shares in the last quarter. Institutional investors and hedge funds own 26.76% of the company’s stock. Walmart Company Profile ( Get Free Report ) Walmart Inc engages in the operation of retail, wholesale, other units, and eCommerce worldwide. The company operates through three segments: Walmart U.S., Walmart International, and Sam's Club. It operates supercenters, supermarkets, hypermarkets, warehouse clubs, cash and carry stores, and discount stores under Walmart and Walmart Neighborhood Market brands; membership-only warehouse clubs; ecommerce websites, such as walmart.com.mx, walmart.ca, flipkart.com, PhonePe and other sites; and mobile commerce applications. See Also Receive News & Ratings for Walmart Daily - Enter your email address below to receive a concise daily summary of the latest news and analysts' ratings for Walmart and related companies with MarketBeat.com's FREE daily email newsletter .Yes, letters mailed to Santa require postageIn a dramatic turn of events, South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol declared martial law on Tuesday night, citing threats to the nation's freedom from political opponents. However, just hours later, Yoon reversed his decision, following strong opposition from the National Assembly and public outcry. The crisis ignited by the declaration marks one of South Korea's most significant political upheavals in decades. The military's brief involvement included a decree to ban protests, place media under control, and restrict political activities. Yet, it was swiftly resisted by lawmakers, including those from Yoon's party. Financial markets were jolted by the announcement, with the South Korean won plunging to a two-year low. Subsequent political developments, including potential resignations and postponed diplomatic engagements, indicate ongoing instability. The situation remains tense as further protests are anticipated. (With inputs from agencies.)
Pep Guardiola: It’s my responsibility to solve Manchester City’s poor runNone