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Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael must back Murphy as Ceann Comhairle to secure independents deal— Advancement of SOLiD O-RAN-compliant technology to empower more efficient, sustainable, multi-operator in-building 5G connectivity — DALLAS , Dec. 19, 2024 /PRNewswire/ -- SOLiD , the leader in cellular in-building mobile coverage, is a recipient of a $27.68 Million grant from the U.S. National Telecommunications and Information Administration (NTIA) Public Wireless Supply Chain Innovation Fund (PWSCIF) . The award is intended to advance SOLiD's Open RAN technology development for neutral-host, in-building 5G network service. SOLiD's Open RAN radio unit (O-RU) technology enables simple and economical use of 4G and 5G spectrum for greater service agility, scalability, and efficiency. The Wireless Innovation Fund grant is awarded to develop multi-operator O-RU signal source technology integrated with distributed antenna system (DAS) infrastructure, enabling open access to in-building configurations. As part of this project, SOLiD will enhance the research and development of O-RAN-compliant products to support the latest RAN-sharing models, such as multi-operator radio access network ( MORAN ) architectures. The evolution of neutral host RAN sharing infrastructure will enable more efficient, scalable, and cost-effective design, deployment, and maintenance of in-building 5G networks. "This NTIA Wireless Innovation Fund award is a recognition of SOLiD's technological leadership in wireless infrastructure, and validates our approach to high-performance in-building connectivity through the precise integration of Open RAN and DAS technologies," said Scott Deweese , president of SOLiD Americas. "SOLiD is committed to commercializing outstanding O-RAN-compliant solutions to empower more affordable and sustainable multi-operator in-building coverage." About SOLiD SOLiD enables indoor and outdoor cellular at many of the world's best-known and most challenging venues — from the busiest airports and subways to Fortune 500 corporate buildings, hospitals, hotels, universities, sports venues, government, industrial, and logistics facilities. SOLiD continuously innovates to deliver best-in-class connectivity solutions that scale to every need. For more information, visit www.solid.com/us . View original content to download multimedia: https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/solid-awarded-ntia-grant-for-open-ran-development-project-302336606.html SOURCE SOLiD Americas © 2024 Benzinga.com. Benzinga does not provide investment advice. All rights reserved.
UAE airlines keep link to IsraelLockheed Martin Elects John C. Aquilino to Board of DirectorsABU DHABI , UAE , Dec. 19, 2024 /PRNewswire/ -- ADGM, the leading international financial centre of Abu Dhabi and a globally recognised hub for asset and wealth management unveiled nineteen major announcements from global financial institutions during the third edition of ADFW. These represent almost USD 635 billion in assets under management (AUM) and follow other Q4 announcements from the world's largest asset managers, BlackRock, PGIM, and Nuveen, which have also been set up in ADGM. This remarkable increase, from USD 450 billion to USD 635 billion , within a year has reinforced the centre's reputation as the region's fastest-growing and one of the world's most dynamic jurisdictions for asset management. This growth has been further bolstered by the establishment of billionaire-led family offices, including those of British businessman Asif Aziz , prominent philanthropist and financial strategist Wafic Said , and Singaporean entrepreneur and real estate leader Kishin RK, underscoring the centre's growing appeal as a global wealth management hub. Commenting on Abu Dhabi and ADGM's continued momentum, H.E. Ahmed Jasim Al Zaabi , Member of Abu Dhabi's Executive Council & Chairman of the Abu Dhabi Department of Economic Development (ADDED) and ADGM said, "These milestones reflect the heart of what makes Abu Dhabi so special—a shared vision of progress, partnership, and possibility. The growing number of global financial leaders and innovators choosing ADGM is a testament to the trust they place in our infrastructure, robust regulations, commitment to excellence and Abu Dhabi's reputation as the world's safest and most dynamic jurisdiction for asset and wealth management. As we welcome these new partnerships, we remain dedicated to driving the growth and diversification of the 'Falcon Economy' and creating opportunities that resonate across industries and borders. It's an exciting moment for ADGM, Abu Dhabi , and all those who are part of this remarkable journey." Larry Fink , Chairman and CEO of Blackrock praised Abu Dhabi commenting, "It's been a long journey watching how Abu Dhabi has matured as an economy. The constant innovation that I'm seeing from the economy and from the leadership. And Abu Dhabi has really positioned itself to become a leader over the next 20 years. Its psychology was different, and now it's blossoming into this magnet of opportunity. With that strength, it is now becoming a foundation for innovation." "We see a real burgeoning of entrepreneurship happening in the region and believe that the Middle East is the next big entrepreneurial hot spot. We've watched this happen before and always had our eye out on areas emerging in terms of entrepreneurship," said Bill Ford , Chairman & CEO of General Atlantic , during the second day of ADFW. Sir Paul Marshall , Chairman and Chief Investment Officer of Marshall Wace said, " Abu Dhabi is such a great place. Abu Dhabi is absolutely nailing it. It's a very attractive place." Confirming their establishment in ADGM during ADFW were leading private equity firms General Atlantic, Lone Star Funds, and Investindustrial along with private credit giants Golub Capital and Polen Capital, insurance manager – Eldridge as well as leading global equity management company, Carta and hedge fund Marshall Wace . This recent wave of commitments from global financial institutions signifies ADGM's leadership in attracting the world's foremost investment firms. Reflecting this confidence and growth, billionaire-led family offices have also been drawn to ADGM, recognising it as a trusted hub for managing and growing wealth. Asif Aziz , Founder and CEO of Criterion Capital commented, " Abu Dhabi's transformation into a global financial powerhouse makes it an ideal base for our operations. ADGM's world-class infrastructure and strategic location provide unparalleled opportunities to forge partnerships that align with our growth ambitions across the UAE and beyond." Building on its role as a leading destination for global investors and asset managers, ADGM is also redefining financial innovation by advancing its digital ecosystem. A cornerstone of this effort was the launch of Finstreet, a first-of-its-kind international securities market and an ecosystem for private securities, which exemplifies ADGM's commitment to integrating cutting-edge digital solutions with its robust financial infrastructure. The week also saw a new funding round for Themis and the entry of international digital pioneers Zodia Markets, Polygon Labs, FJ Labs, Aptos Digital, Chainlinks, Astra Tech and Themis, further solidifying the Emirate's reputation as a global innovation hub. Meanwhile, FinTech Astra Tech's Quantix announcement of a landmark USD 500 million financing from Citigroup, among the largest provided to a UAE FinTech company to date, to expand its CashNow consumer lending platform. Additionally, Themis—renowned for its advanced financial crime prevention technologies—is further reinforcing ADGM's position as a hub for the next generation of financial technologies, secured over USD 9.75 million in scale-up funding, building on its success in partnerships with global leaders, including ADGM underscoring its role in advancing financial crime prevention in innovative regulatory environments. The market announcements were released during the third edition of ADFW held under the theme "Welcome to the Capital of Capital," which gathered more than 20,000 leaders and executives from across the financial services industry, which collectively represented more than USD 42 trillion in assets under management. This wave of newcomers ADFW underscores Abu Dhabi's position as a global financial powerhouse and ADGM's role as a catalyst for economic diversification, attracting top-tier talent, cutting-edge technologies, and transformative investments that are shaping the emirate's future. Logo - https://mma.prnewswire.com/media/2550581/5010772/ADGM_Logo.jpg View original content: https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/aum-of-usd-635-billion-at-adfw-caps-stellar-q4-as-trillion-dollar-club-flock-to-adgm-302336607.html SOURCE ADGM
PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter’s in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter’s path, , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That’s a very narrow way of assessing them,” Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn’t suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he’d be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter’s tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter’s lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor’s race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama’s segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival’s endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King’s daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters’ early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan’s presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan’s Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —-Edwin Su, MD, Orthopedic Surgeon at Hospital for Special Surgery performed the first Lantern Hip procedure. (PRNewsfoto/OrthAlign) Edwin Su, MD, Orthopedic Surgeon at Hospital for Special Surgery performed the first Lantern Hip procedure. (PRNewsfoto/OrthAlign) IRVINE, Calif. , Dec. 19, 2024 /PRNewswire/ -- OrthAlign, Inc. today announced a significant milestone with the successful first clinical use of its Lantern Hip handheld technology. The procedure was performed by Edwin Su, MD, a renowned orthopedic surgeon at the Hospital for Special Surgery (HSS) in New York, NY . "The first clinical case of Lantern Hip is a monumental achievement for our team and the surgeons involved with this project," said Eric Timko , CEO of OrthAlign. "This expansion of our flagship platform to include hips not only enhances our product portfolio, but also positions us for significant growth in both the hospital and the ambulatory surgery center (ASC). We're excited to kick off the new year with Lantern Hip and showcase its impact at the American Academy of Orthopaedic Surgeons annual meeting," says Eric Timko . Lantern Hip is the latest evolution in hip technology, built upon the success of over 375,000 OrthAlign procedures worldwide. Next-generation sensors, powered by accelerometers and gyroscopes, are designed to provide an accurate and simple solution to navigate cup placement and measure changes in leg length and offset. The system enables the surgeon to choose their preferred implant, and is accessible to any site of service. "Lantern Hip allows me to personalize cup position for each patient," said Dr. Su. "I can compare the functional pelvic plane (FPP), the anterior pelvic plane (APP), and the coronal plane during live cup navigation, so I can place the implant in the best position for function and stability. With its triple-sensor technology, Lantern Hip also allows me to feel confident in my leg length and offset restoration. The system was simple for me and my team to integrate into our workflow during our first case, and I expect this will make a positive impact on other surgeons' experience too." OrthAlign will continue to offer surgeons the opportunity to experience Lantern Hip firsthand through webinars and demonstrations at industry events throughout 2025. For inquiries about upcoming events or to schedule a product demonstration, contact your local OrthAlign representative. Visit www.orthalign.com/lanternhip to view the Lantern Hip introductory video. Lantern Hip is indicated for use in direct anterior total hip arthroplasty procedures with the patient in the supine position. About OrthAlign, Inc. OrthAlign is a medical device company with a focus on delivering practical, cutting-edge technologies for orthopedic surgery. With a commitment to innovation and excellence, OrthAlign provides surgeons with user-friendly, cost-effective solutions to help improve patient care in joint replacement. In 2023, the company celebrated a record-breaking year with over $50 million in global revenue, reflecting its dedication to growth and leadership in the industry. Driven by the belief that everyone deserves exceptional healthcare, OrthAlign is committed to making empowering technologies accessible to all. LANTERN ® and ORTHALIGN ® are registered trademarks of OrthAlign, Inc. View original content to download multimedia: https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/orthalign-inc-announces-first-cases-using-lantern-hip-the-next-evolution-in-total-hip-replacement-technology-302336610.html SOURCE OrthAlignCassava Technologies Secures $310m to Position as Global Tech Leader
By BILL BARROW, Associated Press PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter’s in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter’s path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That’s a very narrow way of assessing them,” Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn’t suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he’d be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter’s tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter’s lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor’s race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama’s segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival’s endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King’s daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters’ early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Related Articles Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan’s presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan’s Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.
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NATO and Ukraine to hold emergency talks after Russian attack with hypersonic missileEvansville 66, Campbell 53
Acadian Timber Corp. ( TSE:ADN – Get Free Report ) announced a quarterly dividend on Wednesday, October 30th, Zacks Dividends reports. Stockholders of record on Tuesday, December 31st will be given a dividend of 0.29 per share on Wednesday, January 15th. This represents a $1.16 annualized dividend and a dividend yield of 6.47%. The ex-dividend date of this dividend is Tuesday, December 31st. Acadian Timber Price Performance Shares of TSE ADN opened at C$17.93 on Friday. The company has a debt-to-equity ratio of 33.22, a quick ratio of 1.04 and a current ratio of 0.38. The firm’s 50-day simple moving average is C$17.92 and its 200 day simple moving average is C$17.64. The stock has a market cap of C$314.49 million, a price-to-earnings ratio of 9.64, a PEG ratio of -4.84 and a beta of 0.87. Acadian Timber has a fifty-two week low of C$16.12 and a fifty-two week high of C$18.48. Acadian Timber ( TSE:ADN – Get Free Report ) last released its quarterly earnings results on Wednesday, October 30th. The company reported C$0.13 EPS for the quarter. The business had revenue of C$25.96 million during the quarter. Acadian Timber had a return on equity of 10.06% and a net margin of 26.53%. As a group, research analysts anticipate that Acadian Timber will post 1.0095345 earnings per share for the current fiscal year. About Acadian Timber Acadian Timber Corp is a Canada-based supplier of primary forest products in Eastern Canada and the Northeastern United States. The company’s operating segments include NB Timberlands and Maine Timberlands. It generates maximum revenue from the NB Timberlands segment. The company’s product includes softwood and hardwood sawlogs, pulpwood and biomass by-products. Featured Stories Receive News & Ratings for Acadian Timber Daily - Enter your email address below to receive a concise daily summary of the latest news and analysts' ratings for Acadian Timber and related companies with MarketBeat.com's FREE daily email newsletter .Pope Francis’ Culture Wars Divide Catholic Church (C1)
