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Op-Ed: Yet another threat to all life on Earth – Mirror life bacteria and an insane cultureARLINGTON, Texas (AP) — Lance Ware had 17 points in UT Arlington's 77-68 win over UL Monroe on Saturday. Ware had six rebounds and three blocks for the Mavericks (5-6). Diante Smith shot 5 of 11 from the field, including 2 for 7 from 3-point range, and went 4 for 4 from the line to add 16 points. Brody Robinson shot 2 for 5 (1 for 4 from 3-point range) and 6 of 8 from the free-throw line to finish with 11 points. Makai Willis led the Warhawks (4-8) in scoring, finishing with 18 points, 13 rebounds and two blocks. Tyreese Watson added 15 points, six rebounds and four assists for UL Monroe. Jalen Bolden also had 13 points, 15 rebounds, seven assists and three steals. UT Arlington next plays Wednesday against Evansville at home, and UL Monroe will host Houston Christian on Tuesday. The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by Data Skrive and data from Sportradar .

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Trump spokesperson whitewashes record with indefinite sentencing delay remarksWASHINGTON (AP) — A group of Republican senators is demanding that the Biden administration revoke a science and technology agreement with China, barely a week after the two countries renewed cooperation for five more years to keep ties from deteriorating. In a letter Thursday to Secretary of State Antony Blinken, the lawmakers, led by Sen. Jim Risch, the ranking member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, said the era in which such cooperation made sense “is long gone" and the extension only “opens the door for further cooptation of American research.” The renewal of the agreement just before President Joe Biden leaves office “denies the incoming administration a chance to weigh in on this highly controversial agreement," they said, urging the administration to “reverse course.” In addition to Risch, the letter was signed by Sens. John Barrasso, Pete Ricketts, Todd Young and Bill Hagerty. The first such agreement was signed in January 1979 when the two countries established diplomatic ties to counter the influence of the Soviet Union and when China severely lagged behind the U.S. and other Western nations in science and technology. The agreement was extended in 2018, and it was given temporary extensions last year and this year to allow for negotiations as the tech war between the two countries has escalated. The State Department has said the new agreement has a narrower scope and more guardrails to protect U.S. interests, including covering only basic research and not facilitating the development of critical and emerging technologies. The Republican senators said they had “deep concerns” that those measures were not sufficient to protect intellectual property and prevent illicit transfer of knowledge. The State Department did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the letter Thursday. Deborah Seligsohn, assistant professor of political science at Villanova University, said the U.S. stands to lose more if it cuts off science and technology cooperation with Beijing. “The irony is that as China has become our peer, we have so much more to gain from working with Chinese science than we did in earlier eras, and yet at this moment, when we have the most to gain, there is a demand that we shut the door,” she said.

ISLAMABAD: Calling the decision “biased”, Pakistan on Thursday vociferously reacted to the imposition of United States (US) sanctions on National Development Complex (NDC) and three other commercial entities. ‘’Pakistan considers the US decision to impose sanctions on NDC and three commercial entities as unfortunate and biased’’, said the Foreign Office (FO) Spokesperson Mumtaz Zahra Baloch on Thursday. She said that Pakistan’s strategic capabilities are meant to defend its sovereignty and preserve peace and stability in South Asia. The latest installment of sanctions defies the objective of peace and security by aiming to accentuate military asymmetries. ‘’Such policies have dangerous implications for strategic stability of our region and beyond’’, Mumtaz added. The FO spokesperson emphasised that Pakistan’s strategic programme is a sacred trust bestowed by 240 million people upon its leadership. The sanctity of this trust, held in the highest esteem across the entire political spectrum, cannot be compromised. Pakistan terms US sanctions on entities as unfortunate, biased “We also regret the imposition of sanctions on private commercial entities. Similar listings of commercial entities in the past were based on mere doubts and suspicion without any evidence whatsoever, ”she pointed out, while claiming strict adherence to non-proliferation norms, licensing requirement for advanced military technology to other countries have been waived off in the past. She elaborated that such double standards and discriminatory practices not only undermine the credibility of non-proliferation regimes but also endanger regional and international peace and security. On Wednesday, in light of the continuing proliferation threat of Pakistan’s long-range missile development, the United States designated four entities for sanctions pursuant to Executive Order (EO) 13382, which targets proliferators of weapons of mass destruction and their means of delivery. The NDC, located in Islamabad, Pakistan, has worked to acquire items in furtherance of Pakistan’s long range ballistic missile programme - including special vehicle chassis intended to be used as launch support equipment for ballistic missiles and missile testing equipment. The United States assesses NDC is responsible for Pakistan’s development of ballistic missiles, including the SHAHEEN-series ballistic missiles. Akhtar and Sons Private Limited, located in Karachi, Pakistan, has worked for NDC to supply a range of equipment to Pakistan’s long-range ballistic missile program. Affiliates International, located in Karachi, Pakistan, has facilitated procurements of missile-applicable items for NDC and others in support of Pakistan’s ballistic missile programme. Additionally, Rockside Enterprise, located in Karachi, Pakistan, has worked for NDC to supply a range of equipment to Pakistan’s long-range ballistic missile programme. Copyright Business Recorder, 2024Drones, planes or UFOs? Americans abuzz over mysterious New Jersey sightings

Preferred Bank Announces Additional Q4 ExpenseBack when he lived in Newtown, Alan Jones had a wall covered in photographs of himself with the Pick and Stick crew. There were football players, political allies, celebrities and billionaires; the “Moses of the airwaves” had cultivated a powerful fellowship over his first 20-odd years on air, and still had half his radio career to run. Yet even then, some in his orbit had misgivings about getting too close to Jones. “The last place you wanted to end up was on his wall,” said one. Being close to Jones was, as one former staffer put it, “an exhausting thing”. It was like being smiled upon by a capricious emperor. The anointed ones, who ranged from sports stars to musicians to prime ministers and premiers, were graced with favours and largesse. But they had to pay homage or risk it all. Jones’ warning that a failure to respond to a request would “be the end of our friendship”, was ominous indeed. This patronage was one of myriad ways Jones transformed himself from an everyday shock jock into The Man Who Ran Sydney. In the era when talkback was king and he had a 20 per cent audience share, he used his intellect, charisma and money to exploit the platform like no one else. “His power isn’t explained by the size of his audience,” says Chris Masters, author of . “It’s explained more by how he used it as leverage to advocate for his own interests and the interests of his powerful mates.” For decades, power protected Jones. He bullied his staff, bulldozed elected officials, and was perceived to favour handsome young men. Few were game to challenge him. Those who did paid the price. Jones was a man “drunk on power”, said one former staffer, and he “did not know when to stop”. But his grip loosened as society changed and Jones refused to change with it, as advertisers became reluctant to align themselves with his increasingly fringe views, and as movements such as #MeToo put the anatomy of power under the microscope. Last year, Jones faced his own reckoning. The chief investigative reporter Kate McClymont that he had used his power for sexual gratification, by groping and indecently assaulting young men, including one of his producers, without their consent. One of the men, who has since died, alleged that he “forces himself on young men and uses his power in a predatory way”. Another man, an employee, says he was groped by Jones. “He knew I wasn’t gay so it was about power dynamics,” he said. Police investigated. This week, with 26 offences involving nine alleged victims. He says he is innocent. The charges are before the courts. When one family contacted police a few years ago to raise allegations that Jones had indecently touched a relative, the officers were blunt. It would be the word of a social colossus against that of an ordinary person. Jones was not, the family recalled one of them saying, “Joe Blow from Bunnings”. Talkback radio used to be the only way ordinary people could speak directly to politicians, even if the microphone was controlled by the host. It was a win-win; listeners on so-called Struggle Street could get their problems addressed, politicians could talk directly to the people, and broadcasters were the powerbroker in the middle. “Forget the press gallery,” prime minister Paul Keating once said. “If you educate [broadcaster] John Laws, you educate Australia.” Articulate, relentless, merciless Jones outclassed all his rivals when he first fired up on air in 1985. He was an unlikely success story; a cross between a priest and a schoolmaster, who would sermonise and patronise in a voice so grating he was nicknamed The Parrot. Yet listeners loved it. “He played all the tabloid tricks,” says Masters. “Flatter your public, tell them ‘my listeners are my best researchers’. He ended up generating a kind of cultist following.” He slept three hours a day and seemed to devote the remaining 21 to work. He’d insist that his office reply to every letter. He’d often dictate them himself to his typist. In 1999, he wrote 3000 letters to government in eight months, the learnt under freedom of information laws. Almost 140 of those were to the prime minister, premier, and a handful of ministers. He expected recipients to reply promptly. Failure to do so risked an on-air dressing down. Premiers and prime ministers would put a staff member in charge of responding within 24 hours. They were dubbed the Minister for Alan Jones. The line between policy and personal blurred. Once, he was pulled over by NSW Police highway patrol on a trip to Canberra and didn’t realise he was crossing two lanes of the Hume to get to the kerb. He was almost hit by a truck. The next day, he wrote to then-police minister Paul Whelan, attempting to get the “cowboy” officer sacked. “I’m sick and tired of defending the police force when it’s peopled by yahoos like this,” he wrote. He would text politicians at all hours, furiously criticising their decisions and offering unsolicited advice about how those decisions would end in disaster. Once, he flamed a senior NSW minister for what he described as unforgivable ignorance. “Who the f--- do you think you are?” the radio broadcaster told the elected member of parliament. A response that pleased him could lead to benevolence. Another letter, obtained by under a similar FOI request 20 years later, involved a back-and-forth with then-Coalition sports minister Stuart Ayres about a sailing issue. Jones approved of Ayres’ actions. “That’s why you are a very good minister,” he wrote. “Is everything OK in the electorate? Yell out if I can help. With best wishes, Alan.” Many argue Jones, himself a failed political candidate for the Liberal Party, was only able to hold so much power because politicians surrendered it to him. Yet those who resisted grovelling found themselves in a bind. “It wasn’t that the ministers lacked courage,” said one former senior NSW Coalition minister. “It’s that you couldn’t convince a cabinet or party room to stand up to him too.” Taking on Jones about one thing meant the broadcaster would attack everything else that minister tried to do. “It subverted your ability to do other things,” he said. “It wasn’t worth the fight.” When Coalition premier Mike Baird backflipped on his plan to shut down greyhound racing after a sustained campaign by Jones, he was photographed arriving at Jones’ apartment at Circular Quay for a dinner of humble pie to win back support. Jones told his listeners the next day that the government would receive “full marks” from him if it reversed the ban. Jones would frequently shower praise on his long-time friend Tony Abbott: the broadcaster was one of two speakers at an event last year marking 10 years since Abbott became prime minister. When Abbott was in the top job, Jones would send him a weekly missive with about 30 dot points, offering advice, warnings, and tips on who was white-anting him, said one person close to him. Staff heard him dictate a sign-off: “Go for the jugular, Tony.” Abbott denies the story. “Mr Abbott ran his own political strategy and famously wrote his own speeches and personally signed off his own media releases,” said a spokesman. Politicians found their own ways of managing him. “There were certain techniques that worked with Alan, like going into the studio in person,” the former minister said. “It was harder for him to be mean to you if you were right in front of him. Colleagues used to say they would take a young male staffer with them [to put Jones in a good mood], like a burnt offering. Writing him a handwritten note; he’d write to you, and what I learnt was that you had to write back yourself, and give him answers to keep him [from speaking about the issue on radio].” The aim was to keep their issue off-air, said the politician. Being lauded could be as dangerous as being rubbished. “If you got praised by him, it was probably because you leaked to him, so your colleagues would be suspicious – and generally rightly so. Alan never did anything without a reason.” Jones might have left politicians so intimidated that they couldn’t sleep before an interview, but no one was more attuned to the vagaries of his mood than those who worked for him. The former teacher and rugby union coach was an exacting boss. One producer remembers sitting in the car park before work in the wee hours of the morning, wondering if he could face it all again that day. “I don’t think he ever said hello to me in all the years I worked for him,” he said. “Every day started with incredible tension.” For their first six months, Jones would put a new producer to a kind of loyalty test involving verbal abuse and the rubbishing of their work. “It was routine humiliation,” said one. Once, when Jones was dissatisfied with the performance of his staff, he made them write to the finance department to say they didn’t deserve to be paid for their day’s work. Another time, Jones found some faxes that had not been replied to, and made staff cancel leave to write back. “The way he blew up at people was a craft,” said another former producer, who – like many people interviewed for this story – spoke on the condition of anonymity because he still feared Jones’ impact on his career. “He never swore, but it was an articulate spray that was like being lashed by lightning. It was personal, it was cruel, it was demeaning. But it wasn’t someone losing control. The sprays were directed at staff, at salespeople, at CEOs. There was no one at 2GB that Jones felt he couldn’t stand over.” Jones was the station’s money-spinner. “What he wanted, he got,” says Mike Carlton, who worked with Jones at 2UE before the breakfast presenter jumped ship to 2GB. “He would just send in his manager, ‘Alan wants this, Alan wants this done’, and management would cave because they were desperate to keep him on side.” Working for Jones was intense. Yet Jones kept staff loyal, partly with occasional explosions of generosity. A Christmas card with $500 inside. Tickets to Wimbledon. A lavish dinner. There was also the sense that, beyond the bullying, the program was doing some good. “A lot of the stuff he pointed out related to stupid government policy, and a lot of it ended up benefiting people who deserved a result,” said a former producer. “That’s where it gets a little bit tricky; without an aggressive champion, they would never have got the result they deserved.” Many wondered what drove him so relentlessly. It wasn’t money for its own sake; those close to him estimate he has given away millions over the years. He would pay friends’ children’s school fees, give them money to buy their first property, cover their health bills. He still pays for the reunions of school football teams he coached in the 1960s. “He’d give it to people who were broke, who needed money for legal fees,” said one person who worked with Jones. He would also allow people to stay in his opulent homes, in Sydney, the Southern Highlands, Brisbane and the Gold Coast. The guest list raised eyebrows; one former producer recalls dropping some briefs over and meeting the “procession of [male] athletes who would stay there”, he says. “Many of them were emotionally needy; quite a few had come from broken homes, and didn’t have supportive family relationships. There was a bit of a theme going through that. Part of it was he didn’t want to be alone.” Jones’ sexuality was scuttlebutt for decades, raised publicly only in double entendre. Jones never commented, not even after being arrested in a London public toilet – that was also a gay beat – for “outraging public decency” (he was cleared). He once told this masthead’s David Leser that he didn’t “believe people should be asked to [comment] in relation to their private lives”. But many, like Masters, believe Jones’ sexuality may be key to understanding his accumulation of power. He grew up in Queensland when homosexuality was illegal, and moved in worlds in which it was spurned, such as schoolboys’ boarding houses when he was a teacher, and rugby union when he was a coach. “There were good reasons for him to don the mask,” says Masters. “We’ve seen this in other powerful men from that era, the power base was built around them as a protective screen. It’s the manipulations – where to go, who you know, who can pull strings – that keeps you safe.” As his power grew, Jones became complacent. His staff and his acolytes were afraid to challenge him. He didn’t verify information he’d been given before presenting it on air, and got things wrong. The end began with his 2012 attacks on Julia Gillard – who stood opposite his good friend Abbott in the parliamentary chamber – when he said she should be tied in a chaff bag and dumped at sea. Within a week of reporting Jones’ comments to a Young Liberal dinner that Gillard’s father, who had passed away not long before, had “died of shame”, around 70 advertisers backed away from his show and Mercedes-Benz confiscated Jones’ $250,000 sponsored car. The editor who published ’s story, Neil Breen – who is now a television reporter for Nine, owner of this masthead – paid the price for challenging Jones. “From that day on, it always had an effect on my career,” he said. It angered some of Jones’ supporters at News Limited. It prompted Jones to run interference when Breen worked in radio. It disrupted relationships that still haven’t recovered. “You were just up against forces,” he said. “He was a significant foe.” Jones’ final, self-inflicted blow came in 2019, when he told then-prime minister Scott Morrison to “shove a sock” down the throat of New Zealand’s then-prime minister, Jacinda Ardern. The condemnation was swift and significant, and advertisers – whose business covered his $4 million salary – fled. Jones was already on thin ice due to his alliances with fringe politicians such as then-MP Craig Kelly, and a mammoth defamation payout for blaming a family for the deadly Grantham floods. He resigned from 2GB in 2021. Without his platform, Jones’ power rapidly dwindled. Even if he had stayed on air, his influence may not have protected him from the indecent assault allegations. Over the past decade, abuse of power accusations have all but ended the careers of other once-untouchable men even if they are eventually cleared, like the late cardinal George Pell. The world has changed. Power is a less effective cocoon. While speaking up still requires enormous courage, victims are no longer stigmatised. Where allegations of predatory behaviour were once stifled, police now take so-called silent crimes seriously. Where stars were once allowed to behave as they wanted as long as they brought in money, companies must now actively protect their workers. “There’s been a very important shift in how we operate as a society,” says academic and former journalist Catharine Lumby, who once had a piece critiquing Jones pulled when she wrote for , which was owned by Jones’ good friend Kerry Packer. “The avenues of survivors of assault and harassment are more educated; there’s been a sea change in attitudes.” Those who knew Jones say he would have stayed in front of a microphone until he died if he could have, holding on to the power that kept him safe and the busyness that kept him from introspection. The haunted, brilliant, flawed man “was scared of what came next”, says a former staffer. “He didn’t want any time to look in the mirror. He wanted to fill every day so there was no time for self-reflection.”

The most anticipated matchup of the second round of the College Football Playoff is set to be a rematch between the No. 8 Ohio State Buckeyes and the No. 1 Oregon Ducks on Jan. 1 in the iconic Rose Bowl Game, with a trip to the semifinals on the line. The first meeting back in Week 7 ended in dramatic fashion, with the Ducks escaping Eugene with a 32-31 win in what could be considered one of the biggest victories in program history, especially in front of their home crowd. Javascript is required for you to be able to read premium content. Thanks for the feedback.FAISALABAD: The University of Agriculture, Faisalabad is establishing the country’s first ever agriculture and food museum in order to preserve our great agrarian heritage. It will showcase agricultural evolutionary times, and culture to the modern technology era. UAF Vice Chancellor Prof Dr Muhammad Sarwar Khan on Wednesday stated this while addressing the inaugural session of workshop titled ‘Museum’ at the Centre for Advanced Studies Auditorium.He said the University came into existence in 1906 as the Punjab Agricultural College and Research Institute Lyallpur and was the first agricultural institute of the sub-continent, which brought revolution and introduced innovation to the sector. He said that by the end of the 19th century, the British government had set up the Famine Commission to formulate a strategy to deal with famine and other food challenges. This institution, UAF, was established on the recommendations of famine Commission.HUNTINGTON, W.V. (AP) — Marshall has withdrawn from the Independence Bowl after a coaching change resulted in much of its roster jumping into the transfer portal. The Thundering Herd were slated to play Army on Dec. 28 in Shreveport, Louisiana. But the Independence Bowl and Louisiana Tech announced on Saturday that the Bulldogs will take on the 19th-ranked Black Knights instead. Marshall said it pulled out “after falling below the roster minimum that was deemed medically safe.” The Herd (10-3) beat Louisiana-Lafayette 31-3 last weekend to win the Sun Belt Conference Championship for the first time. The program has won seven games in a row in the same season for the first time since 2020. “We apologize for the nature and timing of this announcement and for the turmoil it has brought to bowl season preparations for Army, the Radiance Technologies Independence Bowl, the American Athletic Conference and ESPN,” Sun Belt Commissioner Keith Gill said in a statement. Coach Charles Huff left Marshall for Southern Miss last Sunday, and Tony Gibson, the defensive coordinator at North Carolina State, was announced as his replacement less than an hour later. By Thursday, at least 25 Marshall players had entered the transfer portal. Gibson held a meeting shortly after arriving on campus in Huntington to introduce himself to the team. He followed that up with phone calls, text messages and more meetings Friday and Saturday. “Any time coaches leave to take other jobs, it is emotional,” Gibson said at a news conference Thursday. “And kids that are 18-to-22 years old are going to make emotional decisions instead of just breathing for a day or two.” It's the first bowl for Louisiana Tech (5-7) since 2020. The Bulldogs have won two of their last three games, but they haven't played since a 33-0 victory over Kennesaw State on Nov. 30. “We are excited to accept the opportunity to play in the Radiance Technologies Independence Bowl against a fantastic and storied program as Army,” Louisiana Tech athletic director Ryan Ivey said in a release. “I believe our football program is moving toward positive structure and the opportunity to play in this bowl adds to that momentum. We are looking forward to being in Shreveport for this matchup.” Get poll alerts and updates on the AP Top 25 throughout the season. Sign up here . AP college football: https://apnews.com/hub/ap-top-25-college-football-poll and https://apnews.com/hub/college-football Get any of our free daily email newsletters — news headlines, opinion, e-edition, obituaries and more.

I was quoted £700 for a Christmas display but did it myself for £12.50 – the baubles from The Range were a game changerDUP minister rejected suggestion licensing laws could be relaxed for jubilee