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fortune gems 3 jili download apk Jimmy Carter wore a button-down shirt in Khartoum. It was a sweltering morning and the sun shone on the Nile as the clamorous city was rousing to life. Carter was in the Sudanese capital to monitor the 2010 election that was certain to extend the rule of autocrat Omar Hassan Ahmed Bashir, who had been indicted on international charges of crimes against humanity. Carter was not deterred. He believed the first multiparty election in decades — no matter how flawed — would bring the war-scarred country closer to democracy. His blue eyes agleam, his trousers pressed, the former president, a wanderer accustomed to the planet's cruel and harsh predicaments, offered coffee and pastries in his hotel room. He was optimistic but knew well what could happen when leaders with outsize ambitions controlled holy men and armies. I was in town covering the story for the Los Angeles Times, and a representative from the Carter Center called and invited me to breakfast. Carter, who died Sunday at 100 , was president when I was a teenager. I knew him well from TV — that swoop of hair, Southern accent and disarming resolve that confronted a post-Watergate world of gas lines, inflation, the Iranian hostage crisis and a sense that America was adrift. His presidency had been much maligned. But his second act as humanitarian, house builder, Guinea worm exterminator and Nobel Peace Prize winner was a portrait of perseverance and grace. An aide greeted me when I entered the hotel room. She quietly vanished. Carter walked in and sat on a small couch. Coffee was poured. A Danish slid onto a plate, a bit of fruit. Fishing boats were busy in the currents below and tea ladies dressed in plumes of colors stoked fires beneath blackened kettles on the corners. Carter spoke about Sudan — its possibilities and dangers, and the fact that in coming months the country's south, with its vast oil reserves, would hold an independence referendum on whether to secede from the north. Would Bashir relinquish the south to let it be governed by a former enemy in a cowboy hat, who presided over a territory with fewer than 100 miles of paved roads and a population that was 80% illiterate? Carter knew the personalities and pitfalls, the egos and secrets, the maps and ledgers. He had traveled across Sudan; years earlier he'd brokered a ceasefire in its civil war. He always went to the source, to places of refugees, poverty, disease and despair. To see and bear witness, much like the Bible school teacher he was back in Plains, Ga. He didn't know what would happen. But he had hope. The sun rose higher in the midmorning sky. The room quieted. "You're based in Cairo," he said. "Yes." He leaned closer. "Tell me about things," he said. "What's happening?" I felt like I was being quizzed by a man who had read countless dossiers and was intimate with the rise and fall of power. It was at once intimidating and bracing. The restlessness and anger in the Arab world were nearing a breaking point that would erupt months later. Tunisia would ignite into nationwide protests. An uprising in Egypt would bring down President Hosni Mubarak. Tremors would spread from Syria and Yemen and from Libya to Bahrain. There were few inklings when we met of what would unfold, but the Middle East that Carter had spent so much time navigating was about to come undone yet again. He mostly wanted to discuss the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and the possibilities, no matter how remote, of any progress toward reconciliation on that front. In 1978, Carter had held talks at Camp David with Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin and Egyptian President Anwar Sadat that would lead to a historic peace treaty. Carter believed then — apparently wrongly, given the problems that would come — that the pact would bring wider regional stability. And he hoped it would one day lead to a two-state solution for Israelis and Palestinians. Carter would later face criticism for his opinions on the issue. Many Jews and others were angered by his 2006 book, "Palestine Peace Not Apartheid," which they saw as painting Israel as an aggressor and being overly sympathetic to Palestinians. Carter defended the book as well as his meetings with Hamas, which critics argued enhanced the stature of the militant group that the U.S. and Israel consider a terrorist organization. Carter later told an audience in Cairo that apartheid "is the exact description of what's happening in Palestine now." But his vision remained focused, his commitment to peace unwavering. Three years later, in his book "We Can Have Peace in the Holy Land," Carter wrote: "Everyone who engages in Middle East peacemaking is bound to make mistakes and suffer frustrations. Everyone must overcome the presence of hatred and fanaticism, and the memories of horrible tragedies. Everyone must face painful choices and failures in negotiations. Nevertheless, I am convinced that the time is ripe for peace in the region." It was questionable then, and appears no less easier now. Carter had been in hospice since before Hamas attacked Israel on Oct. 7 and killed some 1,200 people. Israel has been retaliating with an ongoing bombardment of the Gaza Strip that health authorities there say has killed more than 45,000 Palestinians. The Carter Center released a statement late last year saying: "The violence must stop now. There is no military solution to this crisis, only a political one that acknowledges the common humanity of both Israelis and Palestinians, respects the human rights of all, and creates a path for both societies to live side by side in peace." It would have been good to have heard Carter's own voice, his Southern-inflected resolve and traveler's wisdom. What struck me most in that Khartoum hotel room were his empathy and his insatiable need to know. He was relentless in his pursuit, to track down threads and unfold scenarios, to follow the great maneuverings and go where needed — like to Sudan, where years earlier he'd landed to try to help end fighting between Bashir's troops and rebels who later ascended to power in a new country. Bashir was overthrown in 2019, and Sudan is again in turmoil. It is difficult to mend the hard corners of the world. To find justice amid the stain of transgression. Carter's gift was his capacity to wonder; to know the bitter truths and imagine something better. ©2024 Los Angeles Times. Visit at latimes.com . Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

Share Tweet Share Share Email Predictive analytics, a subset of advanced analytics, uses statistical algorithms, machine learning techniques, and data mining to analyze historical data and make predictions about future outcomes. In finance, this approach has become a cornerstone for enhancing decision-making, reducing risks, and identifying opportunities. But how does predictive analytics contribute to financial health? And why is seeing the big picture crucial ? The Importance of Financial Health Financial health reflects the stability and sustainability of an individual, business, or economy. For individuals, it entails consistent income, manageable debt, and savings for future needs. For businesses, financial health involves maintaining profitability, ensuring liquidity, and managing risks effectively. Predictive analytics provides tools to assess, monitor, and improve these aspects by offering data-driven insights. 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The suspect in the high-profile killing of a health insurance CEO that has gripped the United States graduated from an Ivy League university, reportedly hails from a wealthy family, and wrote social media posts brimming with cerebral musings. Luigi Mangione, 26, was thrust into the spotlight Monday after police revealed he is their person of interest in the brutal murder of United Healthcare CEO Brian Thompson, a father of two, last week in broad daylight in Manhattan in a case that laid bare deep frustration and anger with America's privatized medical system. News of his capture in Pennsylvania -- following a tip from a McDonald's worker --triggered an explosion of online activity, with Mangione quickly amassing new followers on social media as citizen sleuths and US media tried to understand who he is. While some lauded him as a hero and lamented his arrest, others analyzed his intellectual takes in search of ideological clues. A photo on one of his social media accounts includes an X-ray of an apparently injured spine. No explicit political affiliation has emerged. Meanwhile, memes and jokes proliferated, many riffing on his first name and comparing him to the "Mario Bros." character Luigi, sometimes depicted in AI-altered images wielding a gun or holding a Big Mac. "Godspeed. Please know that we all hear you," wrote one user on Facebook. "I want to donate to your defense fund," added another. According to Mangione's LinkedIn profile, he is employed as a data engineer at TrueCar, a California-based online auto marketplace. A company spokesperson told AFP Mangione "has not been an employee of our company since 2023." Although he had been living in Hawaii ahead of the killing, he originally hails from Towson, Maryland, near Baltimore. He comes from a prominent and wealthy Italian-American family, according to the Baltimore Banner. The family owns local businesses, including the Hayfields Country Club, its website says. A standout student, Mangione graduated at the top of his high school class in 2016. In an interview with his local paper at the time, he praised his teachers for fostering a passion for learning beyond grades and encouraging intellectual curiosity. A former student who knew Mangione at the Gilman School told AFP the suspect struck him as "a normal guy, nice kid." "There was nothing about him that was off, at least from my perception," this person said, asking that their name not be used. "Seemed to just be smiling, and kind of seemed like he was a smart kid. Ended up being valedictorian, which confirmed that," the former student said. Mangione went on to attend the prestigious University of Pennsylvania, where he completed both a bachelor's and master's degree in computer science by 2020, according to a university spokesperson. While at Penn, Mangione co-led a group of 60 undergraduates who collaborated on video game projects, as noted in a now-deleted university webpage, archived on the Wayback Machine. On Instagram, where his following has skyrocketed from hundreds to tens of thousands, Mangione shared snapshots of his travels in Mexico, Puerto Rico and Hawaii. He also posted shirtless photos flaunting a six-pack and appeared in celebratory posts with fellow members of the Phi Kappa Psi fraternity. However, it is on X (formerly Twitter) that users have scoured Mangione's posts for potential motives. His header photo -- an X-ray of a spine with bolts -- remains cryptic, with no public explanation. Finding a coherent political ideology has also proved elusive, though he had written a review of Ted Kaczynski's manifesto on the online site goodreads, calling it "prescient." Kaczynski, known as the Unabomber, carried out a string of bombings in the United States from 1978 to 1995, a campaign he said was aimed at halting the advance of modern society and technology. Mangione called Kaczynski "rightfully imprisoned," while also saying "'violence never solved anything' is a statement uttered by cowards and predators." According to CNN, handwritten documents recovered when Mangione was arrested included the phrase "these parasites had it coming." Mangione has also linked approvingly to posts criticizing secularism as a harmful consequence of Christianity's decline. In April, he wrote, "Horror vacui (nature abhors a vacuum)." The following month, he posted an essay he wrote in high school titled "How Christianity Prospered by Appealing to the Lower Classes of Ancient Rome." In another post from April, he speculated that Japan's low birthrate stems from societal disconnection, adding that "fleshlights" and other vaginal-replica sex toys should be banned. ia/nro/dwSmokers who quit for a week could save a day of their life, experts say

Garrett's comments about his future add wrinkle to Browns' worst season since 0-16 in 2017

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