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Police have secured a closure order on a property following persistent anti-social behaviour and drug misuse. Complaints about the address in Lawrance Square, Northfleet, have also included incidents of criminal damage, threatening behaviour and intimidation, and noise. Sgt Steve Cole said: “Residents and visitors to the area have suffered anti-social behaviour and incidents of disorder involving those using this premises for some time. “They raised concerns with their local constables and council enforcement officers, who warned the occupants of the consequences if they continued. “Their behaviour failed to improve and we have now put in place prohibitive measures to address this.” Yesterday, officers applied for a closure order at Sevenoaks Magistrates' Court for the local authority-owned property. After confirming it was empty, the force secured the building and a sign was placed on the door with a warning that it is an offence to enter. Sgt Cole added: “We work closely with the local authority to tackle disorderly behaviour that can affect the quality of life for residents. “Any other people who choose to pursue an anti-social and often criminal lifestyle can expect similar consequences.” The order will last for three months and means any unauthorised person entering the property during this time, risks a fine and a prison sentence.

Two men die of exposure in Washington forest during trip to look for Sasquatch

Nelistotug is under clinical development by and currently in Phase II for Recurrent Head And Neck Squamous Cell Carcinoma. According to GlobalData, Phase II drugs for Recurrent Head And Neck Squamous Cell Carcinoma have a 33% phase transition success rate (PTSR) indication benchmark for progressing into Phase III. GlobalData tracks drug-specific phase transition and likelihood of approval scores, in addition to indication benchmarks based off 18 years of historical drug development data. Attributes of the drug, company and its clinical trials play a fundamental role in drug-specific PTSR and likelihood of approval. Nelistotug overview GSK overview is a healthcare company that focuses on developing, manufacturing and commercializing general medicines, specialty medicines and vaccines. It offers drugs for the treatment of diseases such as HIV, respiratory, cancer, immuno-inflammation, anti-viral, central nervous system (CNS), metabolic, cardiovascular, and urogenital, anti-bacterial, dermatology and rare diseases. The company also offers over-the-counter (OTC) products for pain relief, oral health, nutrition, skin health and gastrointestinal diseases. ’s vaccine portfolio covers various diseases including hepatitis, diphtheria, tetanus, whooping cough, rotavirus and HPV infections, measles and bacterial meningitis, among others. The company sells its products through wholesalers, pharmacies, hospitals, physicians and other groups worldwide. is headquartered in London, England, the UK. For a complete picture of Nelistotug’s drug-specific PTSR and LoA scores, This content was updated on 12 April 2024 From Blending expert knowledge with cutting-edge technology, GlobalData’s unrivalled proprietary data will enable you to decode what’s happening in your market. You can make better informed decisions and gain a future-proof advantage over your competitors. , the leading provider of industry intelligence, provided the underlying data, research, and analysis used to produce this article. GlobalData’s Likelihood of Approval analytics tool dynamically assesses and predicts how likely a drug will move to the next stage in clinical development (PTSR), as well as how likely the drug will be approved (LoA). This is based on a combination of machine learning and a proprietary algorithm to process data points from various databases found on GlobalData’s .

Vivo X200 Review: Reliability without Fuss or FanfareThe Legend of Zelda: Ocarina of Time is an all-time classic - an early masterpiece of 3D gaming whose influence can still be seen to this day, and unquestionably one of the best N64 games ever made. But people have been complaining about Link's fairy companion Navi and her annoying advice since the game's launch in 1998, and she arguably set the stage for decades worth of irritating tutorials and hints in video games. It turns out that even Shigeru Miyamoto himself always knew that Navi's role in the N64 classic was less than ideal. "I think the way we give hints is still a little too unfriendly," Miyamoto admitted in an interview for a 1999 Japanese strategy guide, which has been translated by shmuplations. "Speaking plainly, I can now confess to you: I think the whole system with Navi giving you advice is the biggest weakpoint of Ocarina of Time. It's incredibly difficult to design a system that gives proper advice, advice that's tailored to the player's situation. To do it right, you'd have to spend the same amount of time as you would developing an entire game, and I was very worried we'd be digging ourselves into a hole, if we pursued perfection there..." Miyamoto went on to say that "if you read Navi's text, she says the same things over and over. I know it makes it sound bad, but we purposely left her at a kind of 'stupid' level. I think if we'd tried to make Navi's hints... Dustin BaileyANIR: Creativity, Integration and Proactivity

Even when Milwaukee opened the season by losing eight of its first 10 games, Bucks coach Doc Rivers knew it was only a matter of time before his team returned to form. Sure enough, the Bucks have won four of their last five games heading into an NBA Cup matchup against the visiting Indiana Pacers on Friday. While Milwaukee is trending upward, Indiana has dropped four of its last five games. The Pacers shot 5 of 22 (22.7 percent) from 3-point range in a 130-113 loss to the Houston Rockets on Wednesday. Indiana will look to bounce back against the Bucks and star Giannis Antetokounmpo, who had 41 points, nine rebounds and eight assists in a 122-106 home win over the Chicago Bulls on Wednesday. Brook Lopez was among several players who struggled during the team's dismal start, but the 7-foot-1 center is averaging 19 points on 55.4 percent shooting over his last five games. "We know the team that we are," Lopez said. "We've known the team that we are all season long, we just had to prove it by winning games. It's gotten better and better. Obviously, the last few, we're happy with winning, they were close ones but we put in a lot of work, we're doing great." The Bucks looked like a championship contender late in Wednesday's contest, when they closed the game on an 18-4 run. After the victory, Rivers reflected on his team's rough start to the season. "I felt good about the team, I just didn't feel good about our record, to be honest," Rivers said. "I still feel that way -- I don't feel good about our record yet -- but I do feel good about this team. I feel really good about this team." Indiana coach Rick Carlisle isn't quite as pleased with his team, and he suggested changes could be coming following another disappointing loss on Wednesday. "We're not playing well. That's obvious," Carlisle said. "Our connectedness is not where it needs to be. Our collective spirit is not where it needs to be. I'm going to look very closely at the film tonight. The coaching staff is. We have to come up with answers." The Pacers desperately need more production from All-Star point guard Tyrese Haliburton, who was held to four points on 1-of-7 shooting against Houston, including 1 of 5 from 3-point range. Haliburton is averaging 12.6 points while shooting 30.3 percent from the field and 30.8 percent (12 of 39) from 3-point range over his last five games. One bright spot in Wednesday's loss was the play of guard Quenton Jackson, who scored a career-high 24 points on 10-of-12 shooting in his first career start. Jackson also had three assists, two rebounds, two steals and a block in 27 minutes. "Quenton Jackson is an example of where we need everybody's spirit to be," Carlisle said. "The guy is flying all over the place, playing at a ridiculously high level of intensity and unselfishness and totally surrendering to the team, you know? For us, we just have to work at adopting that on a full-time basis and really being there for each other." --Field Level Media

Updated December 29, 2024 at 17:44 PM ET Few presidents have come as far as fast in national politics as Jimmy Carter . In 1974, he was nearing the end of his single term as governor of Georgia when he told the world he wanted to be president. Two years later, he was the president-elect. Although his name recognition nationally was only 2% at the time of his announcement, Carter believed he could meet enough people personally to make a strong showing in the early presidential caucuses and primaries. He embarked on a 37-state tour, making more than 200 speeches before any of the other major candidates had announced. When voting began in Iowa and New Hampshire in the winter of 1976, Carter emerged the winner in both states. He rode that momentum all the way to the presidential nomination and held on to win a close contest in the general election. His career as a highly active former president lasted four full decades and ended only with his death Sunday in his hometown of Plains, Ga. He was 100 and had lived longer than any other U.S. president, battling cancer in both his brain and liver in his 90s. A life that bridged political eras James Earl Carter Jr. was the 39th U.S. president, elected as a Democrat displacing the incumbent Republican, Gerald Ford, in 1976. Carter would serve a single tumultuous term in the White House, beset by inflation, energy shortages, intraparty challenges and foreign crises. But he managed to win the nomination for a second term. He lost his bid for reelection to Republican Ronald Reagan in a landslide in 1980. Thereafter, he worked with Habitat for Humanity and traveled the globe as an indefatigable advocate for peace and human rights. He was given the U.N. Prize in the Field of Human Rights in 1998 and awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002. Carter was the first president from the Deep South elected since the Civil War. He entered politics at a time when Democrats still dominated in his home state and region. He had begun his career as a naval officer in the submarine corps, but in 1953 he left the service to take over the family peanut business when his father died. He later served four years in Georgia's state legislature before making his first bid for governor in 1966. In that contest, he finished behind another Democrat, Lester Maddox, a populist figure known for brandishing a pickax handle to confront civil rights protesters outside his Atlanta restaurant. Carter shared much of the traditional white Southern cultural identity. But he was also noted for his support for integration and the Civil Rights Movement led by fellow Georgian Martin Luther King Jr. Four years after losing to Maddox, Carter was elected his successor and declared in his inaugural speech that "the time for racial discrimination is over." Time magazine would feature him on its cover four months later, making him a symbol of the "New South." And as his term as governor ended, he was all in on a presidential bid. But he did not burst onto the national stage so much as he crept up onto it, appearing before small groups in farming communities and elsewhere far from the big media centers. A meteoric rise to the White House Beyond his earnest image and rhetoric, Carter also had a savvy game plan based on the new presidential nominating rules that the Democratic Party had adopted in the early 1970s. Carter's team, led by campaign manager Hamilton Jordan, mastered this new road map, with Carter climbing from a strong showing in the still-new Iowa caucuses to a clean win in New Hampshire's primary. So though in January 1976 he was the first choice of only 4% of Democrats nationally, he won the first two events and leveraged that attention to capture the imagination of voters in other regions. Carter shut out segregationist champion George Wallace in the Southern primaries and also dominated in the industrial states of the North and Midwest. Democrats held 48 primaries or caucuses around the United States that year, and Carter won 30, with no other candidate winning more than five. Wherever he went, he was able to connect with rural voters and evangelicals wherever they were to be found — doing well in big cities but also in the sparsely populated parts of Ohio and Pennsylvania. While Carter's juggernaut lost momentum in the summer and fall, with Republican President Gerald Ford nearly closing the polling gap by Election Day, the Georgian held on to win 50% of the popular vote in November. By winning in his home state and everywhere else in the South (save only Virginia) while holding on to enough of the key population centers in the Northeast and Great Lakes regions, Carter was able to cobble together nearly 300 Electoral College votes without winning California, Illinois or Michigan. Troubles in office The surprisingly modest margin of Carter's victory over Ford augured more difficulties ahead. And as well as the Carter persona may have suited the national mood in 1976, it did not fit well in the Washington he found in 1977. All presidential candidates who "run against Washington" find it necessary to adjust their tactics if and when they are elected. But the former peanut farmer and his campaign staff known as the "Georgia mafia" never seemed to lose faith in the leverage they thought they had as outsiders. Almost immediately upon taking office, Carter encountered difficulties with various power centers in Congress. He and his tight circle of aides brought along from Georgia and the campaign were not attuned to congressional customs or prerogatives, and a variety of their agenda priorities ran afoul of their own party's preferences. A case in point was a "hit list" of Western water projects that the Carterites regarded as needless pork barrel spending. For a raft of Democratic senators and representatives facing reelection in thirsty states and districts, the list came as a declaration of war. Although Congress fought Carter to a draw on the projects, many of these Western seats would be lost to Republican challengers in 1978 and 1980. Carter did have signal successes in brokering a historic peace deal between Israel and Egypt and in securing Senate ratification of his treaties ceding the Panama Canal to Panama. He also managed to achieve significant reforms in regulations — especially those affecting energy production and transportation — that would eventually lower consumer prices. Carter had taken office amid historically high inflation and energy prices that had persisted since the Arab oil embargo of 1973. Carter appointed a new chair of the Federal Reserve, Paul Volcker, whose tight money policies eventually tamed inflation but also triggered a recession and the highest unemployment rates since the Great Depression. Along the way, there was more grief on the oil front as Iran's Islamic Revolution in 1979 caused not only a price spike but long lines at the pump — worse than in 1973. Carter and the Democrats paid a price, suffering more than the usual losses for the president's party in the 1978 midterm elections, which greatly reduced Democratic margins in both the House and the Senate. Yet the Iranian crisis had even worse consequences. The revolution saw the overthrow of the Shah, a longtime ally of the U.S., and the installation of a stern theocratic regime led by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, a fierce critic of the United States. When Carter agreed to grant the Shah a visa to receive cancer treatments in the U.S., young followers of the ayatollah overran the U.S. Embassy in Tehran . Fifty-two Americans were taken hostage for 444 days. Carter's efforts to free them were unavailing. An airborne raid intended to free them ended in catastrophe in the Iranian desert, leaving eight U.S. service members dead after a collision of aircraft on the ground. Afghanistan becomes an issue Yet another blow was dealt to Carter's standing when the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan to prop up its client regime there. Opposing that aggression was popular, but Carter's decision to retaliate by having the U.S. boycott the 1980 Olympics in Moscow was less so. Carter was able to use the hostage crisis to his advantage in suppressing the challenge to his nomination mounted by Sen. Edward Kennedy of Massachusetts. Carter refused to debate Kennedy and made the primaries a kind of referendum on the Iranian situation. Enough Democrats rallied to his side that Kennedy's bid, a favorite cause of liberal activists and organized labor, fell far short. Still, it contributed to the weakness of Carter's standing in the general election. And what had worked against a challenger from the Democratic left did not work when Carter faced one from the Republican right. Ronald Reagan was a former two-term governor of California who had sought the nomination twice before, and he did not begin 1980 as the consensus choice of his party. But he wove a complex set of issues into a fabric with broad appeal. He proposed sweeping tax cuts as a tonic for the economy, more spending on defense, a more aggressive foreign policy and, just as important, a return to the traditional values of "faith, freedom, family, work and neighborhood." He also opposed abortion and busing for racial integration and favored school prayer — the three hottest buttons in social policy at the time. After a come-from-behind win in New Hampshire and a sweep of the Southern primaries, Reagan never looked back. His triumph at the Republican National Convention in Detroit set the tone for his campaign. The election looked close at Labor Day and even into October. But the single debate the two camps agreed to , held on Oct. 28, 1980, the week before the election, was a clear win for the challenger. Carter failed in his attempts to paint Reagan as an extremist. The Republican managed to be reassuring and upbeat even as he kept up his attacks on Carter's handling of the economy and on the rest of Carter's record. The polls broke sharply in the final days, and in November, Reagan captured nearly all the Southern states that Carter had carried four years earlier and won the 1980 presidential election with 489 Electoral College votes. Carter conceded before the polls had even closed on the West Coast. Reassessment in retrospect Historians have generally not rated Carter's presidency highly, and he left office with his Gallup poll approval rating in the low 30s. But there has been a steady upward trajectory in assessments of his presidency in recent years, and his Gallup approval rating has climbed back above 50% and has remained there among the public at large. This reflects the work of several Carter biographers and former aides and the natural comparison with the presidents who have followed him. In 2018, Stuart E. Eizenstat, Carter's chief domestic policy adviser, published President Carter: The White House Years , which historians have praised both as a primary source and as an assessment of Carter's term. In it, Eizenstat wrote that Carter "was not a great president, but he was a good and productive one. He delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office. He was a man of almost unyielding principle. Yet his greatest virtue was at once his most serious fault for a president in an American democracy of divided powers." As far back as 2000, historian Douglas Brinkley wrote that in the first 20 years after Carter lost the presidency, he had become "renowned the world over as the epitome of the caring, compassionate, best sort of American statesman ... an exemplar of behavior for all national leaders in retirement." A new life out of office But the greatest factor in Carter's rising reputation was his own performance in his post-presidential career. He worked with Habitat for Humanity to rehabilitate homes for low-income families. He taught at Emory University and established his own nonprofit, the Carter Center . And over the ensuing decades, he published more than two dozen books and became an international advocate for peace, democratic reforms and humanitarian causes. As former president, Carter did not shy from controversy, particularly when it came to the Middle East, the region that gave him his greatest foreign policy achievement and also his most damaging setback as president. Copyright 2024 NPR2 Oregon men die from exposure in a forest after they went out to look for Sasquatch

Since his appointment as Special Adviser to the President, Media and Public Communications was announced on Thursday, November 14, Daniel Bwala has moved from one controversy to the other. He will go on record as the presidential spokesman who started from day one on a faux pas, spent his first week in office retracting his introductory statements and forced a major reshuffle of the President Bola Tinubu’s media and communication team that saw him re-designated and downgraded. After what many consider a betrayal of Atiku Abubakar whom he worked for as presidential campaign spokesman in 2023, the appointment was for him a dream come true. After spending so much time in the public space trying to justify his return to the All Progressives Congress he serially disparaged and a President he so virulently opposed as candidate during the 2023 election campaign, there was reason for him to feel some triumph. But rather than celebrate, his first week in office – during which he tasted a bit of the bitter intrigues that spew from the nation’s seat of power, has been a nightmare. He actually ignited the fire that burnt his fingers. Following his appointment Bwala had, in a tactless display of ignorance of how the Tinubu political machinery works, announced himself gleefully as the official replacement for Ajuri Ngelale, erstwhile Presidential spokesman who was muzzled out of office two months earlier. After the self-glorifying briefing of State House correspondents in the Presidential Villa, he capped the introduction by declaring “I only came to introduce myself to you and the role that was given to me by Mr. President, and I told you that role was once occupied by Ajuri Ngelale.” He went on to light up the internet with a tweet. The blunder touched many raw nerves in the State House. Not only did he invoke the better-forgotten spirit of Ajuri Ngelale, he literarily inherited whatever fights he left behind. He also went on to offer an unsolicited explanation on the issue of where Sunday Dare, former Minister of Sport who had earlier been appointed Special Adviser like him, works from. Dare, he declared, works from the office of the Minister of Information, which implied he does not belong in the President’s core communication team in the Villa. Such indiscretion! If others who belong to the inner caucus of the President’s team would stomach such impudence, Bayo Onanuga, who is believed to have supplanted Ngelale was not amused. It did not surprise many, therefore, that he went into overdrive shortly after, to put Bwala in his deserved place. When he issued a statement which not only re-designated Bwala as Special Adviser on Policy Communication but sandwiched him in-between himself and Dare, it was clear he was responding to the former PDP man’s audacity. The statement also explained that “Mr. Sunday Dare – hitherto Special Adviser on Public Communication and National Orientation is now Special Adviser, Media and Public Communications.” The picture was clear: Daniel Bwala was not the President’s spokesman – because “there is no single individual spokesperson for the Presidency” – but one of the three spokesmen for the President. As the statement said, the changes were to enhance efficiency within the government’s communication machinery but it is obvious that it consolidated Onanuga’s leadership of the President’s media and communications team and positioned Dare, his former staff at TheNews where he was Editor-in-Chief, ahead of Bwala. The power play was not lost on Bwala and rumours were rife that he may even exit as quickly as he entered. So, what to do? He did the only thing he has perfected in the past few years after he abandoned active law practice for the murky waters of political brinkmanship: he ran to the news studios for an interview. Listening to him on the Channels TV Politics Today, Bwala looked sober and pitiable as he all but offered Onanuga and the cabal that holds sway in the Villa, a public apology. He praised Onanuga to high heavens, as ‘a statesman and brilliant journalist’ and not one with whom he was out to rub shoulders with. Hear him: “My own is, if he says ‘go and carry that table,’ I will just do so; that’s my job.” The brilliant chap had learnt the first lesson. Once viewed as a brilliant lawyer and principled man, Bwala who now grovels around the Villa, has indeed gone full circle and many believe he is still unraveling. In his few years in the political space, he has become notorious for betrayal as his actions appear driven by personal gain rather than ideological consistency. Originally a member of the APC before he defected to the PDP in 2022, citing opposition to the APC’s Muslim-Muslim presidential ticket, he has engaged in frequent and high-profile shifts in political allegiances. He was a vocal critic of President Bola Tinubu, but no sooner did Tinubu become Nigeria’s President than he shifted position, departed from Atiku Abubakar’s camp and re-aligned with the APC in a political move that is clearly opportunistic rather than principled. Indeed, Daniel Bwala has gone full circle. While he has framed his transitions as efforts to support national unity, many have seen through the smokescreens of his rhetorical cover for personal greed and political expediency. While he has succeeded in talking his way right into Tinubu’s office, he still faces what many betrayers face: his presence is welcome but it would be foolhardy on his part to expect to be trusted.

NonePHILADELPHIA (AP) — Philadelphia 76ers forward Paul George has a bone bruise on his left knee and will miss two games, the team said Thursday. The 76ers said George did not suffer any structural damage when he injured the same knee that he hyperextended during the preseason in Wednesday night's loss at Memphis. The game marked the first time this season the All-Star trio of George, Joel Embiid and Tyrese Maxey started a game together. George will miss home games Friday against Brooklyn and Sunday against the Los Angeles Clippers, his former team. A nine-time All-Star, the 34-year-old George will be evaluated again on Monday. Wednesday's 117-111 loss to the Grizzlies dropped the Sixers to 2-12, the worst record in the NBA headed into Thursday night's games. George signed a four-year, $212 million contract with Philadelphia after five seasons with the Clippers. He has averaged 14.9 points in eight games this season. Embiid has been out with injuries, load management rest and a suspension, while Maxey was sidelined with a hamstring injury. An expected contender in the Eastern Conference, the Sixers haven't won since an overtime victory against Charlotte on Nov. 10. AP NBA: https://apnews.com/hub/nba

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