Jeeno Thitikul makes late charge to catch Angel Yin in the LPGA finalePLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter's in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter's path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That's a very narrow way of assessing them," Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn't suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he'd be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter's tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter's lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor's race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama's segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival's endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King's daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters' early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan's presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan's Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.
"Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit, sed do eiusmod tempor incididunt ut labore et dolore magna aliqua. Ut enim ad minim veniam, quis nostrud exercitation ullamco laboris nisi ut aliquip ex ea commodo consequat. Duis aute irure dolor in reprehenderit in voluptate velit esse cillum dolore eu fugiat nulla pariatur. Excepteur sint occaecat cupidatat non proident, sunt in culpa qui officia deserunt mollit anim id est laborum." Section 1.10.32 of "de Finibus Bonorum et Malorum", written by Cicero in 45 BC "Sed ut perspiciatis unde omnis iste natus error sit voluptatem accusantium doloremque laudantium, totam rem aperiam, eaque ipsa quae ab illo inventore veritatis et quasi architecto beatae vitae dicta sunt explicabo. Nemo enim ipsam voluptatem quia voluptas sit aspernatur aut odit aut fugit, sed quia consequuntur magni dolores eos qui ratione voluptatem sequi nesciunt. Neque porro quisquam est, qui dolorem ipsum quia dolor sit amet, consectetur, adipisci velit, sed quia non numquam eius modi tempora incidunt ut labore et dolore magnam aliquam quaerat voluptatem. Ut enim ad minima veniam, quis nostrum exercitationem ullam corporis suscipit laboriosam, nisi ut aliquid ex ea commodi consequatur? Quis autem vel eum iure reprehenderit qui in ea voluptate velit esse quam nihil molestiae consequatur, vel illum qui dolorem eum fugiat quo voluptas nulla pariatur?" 1914 translation by H. Rackham "But I must explain to you how all this mistaken idea of denouncing pleasure and praising pain was born and I will give you a complete account of the system, and expound the actual teachings of the great explorer of the truth, the master-builder of human happiness. No one rejects, dislikes, or avoids pleasure itself, because it is pleasure, but because those who do not know how to pursue pleasure rationally encounter consequences that are extremely painful. Nor again is there anyone who loves or pursues or desires to obtain pain of itself, because it is pain, but because occasionally circumstances occur in which toil and pain can procure him some great pleasure. To take a trivial example, which of us ever undertakes laborious physical exercise, except to obtain some advantage from it? But who has any right to find fault with a man who chooses to enjoy a pleasure that has no annoying consequences, or one who avoids a pain that produces no resultant pleasure?" 1914 translation by H. Rackham "But I must explain to you how all this mistaken idea of denouncing pleasure and praising pain was born and I will give you a complete account of the system, and expound the actual teachings of the great explorer of the truth, the master-builder of human happiness. No one rejects, dislikes, or avoids pleasure itself, because it is pleasure, but because those who do not know how to pursue pleasure rationally encounter consequences that are extremely painful. Nor again is there anyone who loves or pursues or desires to obtain pain of itself, because it is pain, but because occasionally circumstances occur in which toil and pain can procure him some great pleasure. To take a trivial example, which of us ever undertakes laborious physical exercise, except to obtain some advantage from it? But who has any right to find fault with a man who chooses to enjoy a pleasure that has no annoying consequences, or one who avoids a pain that produces no resultant pleasure?" Thanks for your interest in Kalkine Media's content! To continue reading, please log in to your account or create your free account with us.Trailblazers of change: How these MSMEs are making a significant impact in their industries
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Bains meets Gadkari, seeks 4-lane road from Kiratpur Sahib to UnaDr M.B Shebu, the Chairman of the Revenue Mobilization Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC), has emphasized the urgent need for diversifying Nigeria’s revenue base to ensure fiscal independence and economic resilience Shehu made the call while making his presentation at the just concluded 2024 edition of the National Council on Finance and Economic Development (NACOFED), with the theme, “Fostering Economic Growth in Challenging Times: Strategies for Policies and Partnership for Fiscal Sustainability and National Development” which took place in Bauchi. The RMAFC’ Chairman who called for a robust approach to domestic revenue mobilisation to finance national development, noted that Nigeria’s reliance on oil revenue, coupled with global price volatility and rising debt burdens, has highlighted the need for sustainable alternatives. According to him, “Boosting domestic revenue provides a predictable foundation for national planning and reduces reliance on external borrowing,” The Chairman identified taxation, non-tax revenues, state-owned enterprises, and the non-oil sector as pivotal sources of domestic revenue. He highlighted the significance of enhancing efficiency in tax administration and broadening the tax base by integrating the informal sector into the economy. Dr. Shehu who called for the development of solid minerals, agriculture, technology, and tourism, pointed out the potentials of these untapped non oil sector to boost employment and attract foreign investments while also contributing significantly to the nation’s revenue. Dr. Shehu recommended diversifying revenue sources, strengthening tax systems, and promoting transparency and accountability. He also stressed the need to invest in renewable energy, education, and infrastructure to foster long-term growth. “Domestic revenue mobilization is not just a financial necessity but a pathway to Nigeria’s economic self-reliance.” “By prioritizing inclusive growth and strategic investments, Nigeria can build a sustainable and resilient economy capable of meeting the aspirations of its people.” He added. It could be recalled that, the National Council on Finance and Economic Development (NACOFED) is a financial body primarily overseen by the Federal Ministry of Finance, that serves as a platform for coordinating economic policies and strategies across all tiers of government (federal, state, and local) to drive national economic development. it is a Forum where key stakeholders discuss and agree on crucial financial and economic issues affecting the country. The NACOFED Conference which is held annually is usually hosted by a State Government. Dignitaries who graced the occasion included Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister for the Economy, Wale Edun, Permanent Secretary, Federal Ministry of Finance, Lydia Jafiya, the Accountant General of the Federation, Mrs Oluwatoyin Shakirat Madein, Chairman Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission, Dr M.B Shehu OFR, Commissioners of Finance and Accountant Generals from the 36 States of the Federation including the FCT.
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The impeachment train has cranked up its engine once again, ready to roll, and raring to roadshow the trial of Sara Duterte on whether she should stay as the country’s second highest official. It promises to be the mother of all political soap operas, and is expected to provide the climax to the dynasty war between the Marcoses and the Dutertes. On Monday, Akbayan party list Rep. Percival Cendaña endorsed an impeachment complaint filed by 17 personalities against Vice President Sara Duterte. The Makabayan bloc in the House of Representatives also announced that it will endorse this week a second impeachment complaint against the VP, which will be filed by “50 representatives from various progressive organizations and concerned citizens.” Judging by the evidence unearthed by a House committee investigating VP Sara, and the acrimony between House leaders and the Vice President, the impeachment charges will muster the required 1/3 vote of all House members. This will pave the way for the complaints to be transmitted speedily to the Senate for trial. Anyone who says that an impeachment trial in the Senate is a political exercise, should be held in contempt of the Filipino people, and detained for one week in a room that plays nonstop a recording of the profanities spewed by VP Sara. An impeachment trial requires senators to decide on whether or not the public official on trial is guilty of at least one of five impeachable offenses: culpable violation of the Constitution, treason, bribery, graft and corruption and other high crimes, and betrayal of public trust. If found guilty, the official will be removed from public office and permanently disqualified from any government position. Such function requires the exercise of judicial responsibility imposed on political officials. To say that impeachment is a political exercise is to lay the very wrong predicate that our senators have the license to decide on the basis of political considerations such as partisanship and horse trading, and not on the guilt or innocence of the official on trial. There will be a very strong propensity, however, for our senators to decide on political merits because of the upcoming elections. We will elect 12 senators in six months. A crucial number of the current senators who will sit as impeachment judges are either running for reelection or have relatives who are running for a Senate seat. For this group of senators, the temptation to vote on the basis of what they or their relatives can gain (or lose) politically, will be very strong. It must be remembered that the Dutertes still have a sizeable bloc of loyal voters, especially in the Visayas and Mindanao. The Dutertes are expected to flex their political muscle to make the senator-judges decide in favor of acquittal, regardless of the judicial merits of the evidence. The threat is real that those voting for VP Sara’s ouster will find solid Duterte followers campaigning against them. To successfully impeach VP Sara, 2/3 of the Senate, or 16 senators, must vote to convict her. To acquit VP Sara, at least nine senators must vote in her favor. Of our incumbent senators, four senators (Bato dela Rosa, Bong Go, Robin Padilla, and Imee Marcos) are openly in favor of VP Sara. They need just five more senators to obtain an acquittal. Apart from Dela Rosa, Go, and Marcos, four other senators are up for reelection next year: Bong Revilla, Pia Cayetano, Lito Lapid, and Francis Tolentino. In addition, four non-reelectionist senators have relatives running for the Senate: Cynthia Villar, Mark Villar, Allan Cayetano, and Nancy Binay. For these eight senators, the temptation will be immense to vote on the basis of political merits. And what do we make of the leanings of the rest of the non-reelectionist senators? On the opposite side of the political divide are the Marcos loyalists. As to which group is bigger—Marcos loyalists or Duterte diehards—is anyone’s guess. Between these two groups are the yellow/pink forces who constitute a formidable 15 million voters as shown in the last elections. Should yellow/pink voters sit on the couch, popcorn in hand, and pontificate with “I told you so,” while watching the trial? If the Marcos and the Duterte camps are left to battle between themselves, the impeachment will be decided on political considerations, and the result may horrify the yellow/pink forces. The yellow/pink forces must get actively involved in the impeachment trial by making their pivotal voices heard. They must make the senators feel that, if they do not decide on judicial merits, there will be political consequences to pay from the solid bloc of yellow/pink voters. The senator-judges in the impeachment trial must be made aware that, while they will sit in judgment in the trial of Sara Duterte, they themselves will be on trial and the verdict for or against them will be delivered in the May 2025 elections. In other words, the impeachment trial will be a double trial—one against the Vice President, and another against the senators. Filipino voters must stand ready to repeat what we did during the Joseph Estrada impeachment trial, when the political vote of the senators was overwhelmingly reversed and resoundingly overturned through people power. —————- Subscribe to our daily newsletter By providing an email address. I agree to the Terms of Use and acknowledge that I have read the Privacy Policy . 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NEW YORK (AP) — Brian Thompson led one of the biggest health insurers in the U.S. but was unknown to millions of the people his decisions affected. Then Wednesday's fatal shooting of the UnitedHealthcare CEO in a targeted killing on a midtown Manhattan sidewalk thrust the executive and his business into the national spotlight. Thompson, who was 50, ran the insurance arm of the giant UnitedHealth Group Inc. since 2021 and had worked at the company for 20 years. He previously led its Medicare and retirement businesses. As CEO, Thompson led a business that provides health coverage to more than 49 million Americans — more than the population of Spain. United is the largest provider of Medicare Advantage plans, the privately run versions of the U.S. government’s Medicare program for people age 65 and older. The company also sells individual insurance and administers health-insurance coverage for thousands of employers and state-and federally funded Medicaid programs. The business run by Thompson brought in $281 billion in revenue last year, making it the largest subsidiary of the Minnetonka, Minnesota-based UnitedHealth Group. His $10.2 million annual pay package, including salary, bonus and stock options awards, made him one of the company's highest-paid executives. The University of Iowa graduate began his career as a certified public accountant at Pricewaterhouse Coopers and had little name recognition beyond the industry. Even to investors who own its stock, the parent company's face belonged to CEO Andrew Witty, a knighted British triathlete who has testified before Congress. Thompson’s few moments of public attention stood in contrast to his role in reshaping the way Americans get health care. At an investor meeting last year, he outlined his company's shift to “value-based care,” paying doctors and other caregivers to keep patients healthy, rather than focusing on treating them when they get sick. “Health care should be easier for people,” Thompson said at the time. “We are cognizant of the challenges. But navigating a future through value-based care unlocks a situation where the ... family doesn’t have to make the decisions on their own.” Thompson also drew attention in 2021 when the insurer, like its competitors, was widely criticized for a plan to start denying payment for what it deemed non-critical visits to hospital emergency rooms. Story continues below video “Patients are not medical experts and should not be expected to self-diagnose during what they believe is a medical emergency,” the chief executive of the American Hospital Association wrote in an open letter addressed to Thompson. “Threatening patients with a financial penalty for making the wrong decision could have a chilling effect on seeking emergency care.” United Healthcare responded by delaying rollout of the change. Thompson was scheduled to speak at an investor meeting when he was shot around 6:45 a.m. outside the New York Hilton Midtown by a masked assailant who fled on foot, the New York Police Department said. Chief of Detectives Joseph Kenny said investigators were looking at Thompson's social media accounts and interviewing employees and family members. He said Thompson walked out of the hotel alone. “Didn’t seem like he had any issues at all,” Kenny said. "He did not have a security detail.” AP reporter Michael R. Sisak contributed to this report. This story corrects the style of the company’s name to UnitedHealthcare.[Yoo Choon-sik] Unintended signals from untimely policy action
PM Internship Scheme: 6.21 lakh applications received for 1.27 lakh opportunitiesPresident Joe Biden's decision to pardon his son Hunter Biden has sparked sharp criticism from both Republicans and Democrats. The controversial move has raised questions about the impartiality of the U.S. justice system, a point of contention that Democrats have consistently defended against former President Donald Trump's critiques. On Sunday, Biden, whose term ends on January 20, granted an unconditional pardon to his 54-year-old son, claiming Hunter had been selectively prosecuted. The White House expressed concerns that political opponents would continue targeting Hunter Biden in the future. This decision contradicts Biden's previous pledge not to intervene in his son's legal woes, sparking disapproval from his own party members. Democrats are grappling with the aftermath of Trump's election win over Vice President Kamala Harris in November, a defeat some attribute to Biden's persistent candidacy despite age-related concerns. Amidst this complex backdrop, the pardon's timing is criticized for undermining the Democratic party's previous defense of the justice system's fairness. (With inputs from agencies.)
Buy Smarter: The Consumer Guide to Smart TVsJake Evans scores for the career-high 5th consecutive game, surging Canadiens beat Lightning 5-2
