Travis Hunter Makes College Football History on SaturdayAs Krunic steps onto the hallowed grounds of San Siro once again, the memories come flooding back - the cheers of the crowd, the camaraderie with his teammates, the thrill of victory and the agony of defeat. But amidst the nostalgia, there is a burning desire to prove himself, to show that he has grown and evolved as a player since his time at Milan. The stage is set for a showdown that promises to be unforgettable.
ITTA BENA, Miss. (AP) — Cornelious Brown IV threw five touchdown passes, Donovan Eaglin ran for 105 yards and two scores, and Alabama A&M defeated Mississippi Valley State 49-35 on Saturday. The Bulldogs scored 21 points in the third quarter to break free from a 28-all tie at halftime. All three touchdowns came on passes by Brown. He hit DJ Nelson for 35 yards, Donovan Payne for 9 yards, and Keenan Hambrick for 13 yards. Alabama A&M led 49-28 heading to the final quarter. Donivan Wright caught Brown's two other TD passes. He was the Bulldogs' leading receiver with 79 yards among their team total of 296. Brown completed 19 of 28 passes for 252 yards for the Bulldogs (6-5, 4-3 SWAC). Ty’Jarian Williams was 12 for 28 passing for 275 yards for the Delta Devils (1-11, 1-7). He threw two TD passes and was intercepted twice. Nathan Rembert had 107 yards receiving and a touchdown on five receptions. There were five touchdowns in the second quarter and the score was tied three times before the Bulldogs blew it open in the third quarter. __ Get alerts on the latest AP Top 25 poll throughout the season. Sign up here AP college football: https://apnews.com/hub/ap-top-25-college-football-poll and https://apnews.com/hub/college-footballChangan UNI-Z:WASHINGTON (AP) — As a former and potentially future president, Donald Trump hailed what would become Project 2025 as a road map for “exactly what our movement will do” with another crack at the White House. As the blueprint for a hard-right turn in America became a liability during the 2024 campaign, Trump pulled an about-face . He denied knowing anything about the “ridiculous and abysmal” plans written in part by his first-term aides and allies. Now, after being elected the 47th president on Nov. 5, Trump is stocking his second administration with key players in the detailed effort he temporarily shunned. Most notably, Trump has tapped Russell Vought for an encore as director of the Office of Management and Budget; Tom Homan, his former immigration chief, as “border czar;” and immigration hardliner Stephen Miller as deputy chief of policy . Those moves have accelerated criticisms from Democrats who warn that Trump's election hands government reins to movement conservatives who spent years envisioning how to concentrate power in the West Wing and impose a starkly rightward shift across the U.S. government and society. Trump and his aides maintain that he won a mandate to overhaul Washington. But they maintain the specifics are his alone. “President Trump never had anything to do with Project 2025,” said Trump spokeswoman Karoline Leavitt in a statement. “All of President Trumps' Cabinet nominees and appointments are whole-heartedly committed to President Trump's agenda, not the agenda of outside groups.” Here is a look at what some of Trump's choices portend for his second presidency. As budget chief, Vought envisions a sweeping, powerful perch The Office of Management and Budget director, a role Vought held under Trump previously and requires Senate confirmation, prepares a president's proposed budget and is generally responsible for implementing the administration's agenda across agencies. The job is influential but Vought made clear as author of a Project 2025 chapter on presidential authority that he wants the post to wield more direct power. “The Director must view his job as the best, most comprehensive approximation of the President’s mind,” Vought wrote. The OMB, he wrote, “is a President’s air-traffic control system” and should be “involved in all aspects of the White House policy process,” becoming “powerful enough to override implementing agencies’ bureaucracies.” Trump did not go into such details when naming Vought but implicitly endorsed aggressive action. Vought, the president-elect said, “knows exactly how to dismantle the Deep State” — Trump’s catch-all for federal bureaucracy — and would help “restore fiscal sanity.” In June, speaking on former Trump aide Steve Bannon’s “War Room” podcast, Vought relished the potential tension: “We’re not going to save our country without a little confrontation.” Vought could help Musk and Trump remake government's role and scope The strategy of further concentrating federal authority in the presidency permeates Project 2025's and Trump's campaign proposals. Vought's vision is especially striking when paired with Trump's proposals to dramatically expand the president's control over federal workers and government purse strings — ideas intertwined with the president-elect tapping mega-billionaire Elon Musk and venture capitalist Vivek Ramaswamy to lead a “Department of Government Efficiency.” Trump in his first term sought to remake the federal civil service by reclassifying tens of thousands of federal civil service workers — who have job protection through changes in administration — as political appointees, making them easier to fire and replace with loyalists. Currently, only about 4,000 of the federal government's roughly 2 million workers are political appointees. President Joe Biden rescinded Trump's changes. Trump can now reinstate them. Meanwhile, Musk's and Ramaswamy's sweeping “efficiency” mandates from Trump could turn on an old, defunct constitutional theory that the president — not Congress — is the real gatekeeper of federal spending. In his “Agenda 47,” Trump endorsed so-called “impoundment,” which holds that when lawmakers pass appropriations bills, they simply set a spending ceiling, but not a floor. The president, the theory holds, can simply decide not to spend money on anything he deems unnecessary. Vought did not venture into impoundment in his Project 2025 chapter. But, he wrote, “The President should use every possible tool to propose and impose fiscal discipline on the federal government. Anything short of that would constitute abject failure.” Trump's choice immediately sparked backlash. “Russ Vought is a far-right ideologue who has tried to break the law to give President Trump unilateral authority he does not possess to override the spending decisions of Congress (and) who has and will again fight to give Trump the ability to summarily fire tens of thousands of civil servants,” said Sen. Patty Murray of Washington, a Democrat and outgoing Senate Appropriations chairwoman. Reps. Jamie Raskin of Maryland and Melanie Stansbury of New Mexico, leading Democrats on the House Committee on Oversight and Accountability, said Vought wants to “dismantle the expert federal workforce” to the detriment of Americans who depend on everything from veterans' health care to Social Security benefits. “Pain itself is the agenda,” they said. Homan and Miller reflect Trump's and Project 2025's immigration overl ap Trump’s protests about Project 2025 always glossed over overlaps in the two agendas . Both want to reimpose Trump-era immigration limits. Project 2025 includes a litany of detailed proposals for various U.S. immigration statutes, executive branch rules and agreements with other countries — reducing the number of refugees, work visa recipients and asylum seekers, for example. Miller is one of Trump's longest-serving advisers and architect of his immigration ideas, including his promise of the largest deportation force in U.S. history. As deputy policy chief, which is not subject to Senate confirmation, Miller would remain in Trump's West Wing inner circle. “America is for Americans and Americans only,” Miller said at Trump’s Madison Square Garden rally on Oct. 27. “America First Legal,” Miller’s organization founded as an ideological counter to the American Civil Liberties Union, was listed as an advisory group to Project 2025 until Miller asked that the name be removed because of negative attention. Homan, a Project 2025 named contributor, was an acting U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement director during Trump’s first presidency, playing a key role in what became known as Trump's “family separation policy.” Previewing Trump 2.0 earlier this year, Homan said: “No one’s off the table. If you’re here illegally, you better be looking over your shoulder.” Project 2025 contributors slated for CIA and Federal Communications chiefs John Ratcliffe, Trump's pick to lead the CIA , was previously one of Trump's directors of national intelligence. He is a Project 2025 contributor. The document's chapter on U.S. intelligence was written by Dustin Carmack, Ratcliffe's chief of staff in the first Trump administration. Reflecting Ratcliffe's and Trump's approach, Carmack declared the intelligence establishment too cautious. Ratcliffe, like the chapter attributed to Carmack, is hawkish toward China. Throughout the Project 2025 document, Beijing is framed as a U.S. adversary that cannot be trusted. Brendan Carr, the senior Republican on the Federal Communications Commission, wrote Project 2025's FCC chapter and is now Trump's pick to chair the panel. Carr wrote that the FCC chairman “is empowered with significant authority that is not shared” with other FCC members. He called for the FCC to address “threats to individual liberty posed by corporations that are abusing dominant positions in the market,” specifically “Big Tech and its attempts to drive diverse political viewpoints from the digital town square.” He called for more stringent transparency rules for social media platforms like Facebook and YouTube and “empower consumers to choose their own content filters and fact checkers, if any.” Carr and Ratcliffe would require Senate confirmation for their posts. ___ Bill Barrow, The Associated Press
(Bloomberg) -- Investors have a challenge in betting on the usual stock market rally that tends to arrive after a presidential election: With the S&P 500 Index on track for one of its best ever starts to a year, history can’t be a guide this time. Most Read from Bloomberg NYC's Underground Steam System May Be Key to a Greener Future NYC Gets Historic Push for 80,000 Homes With $5 Billion Pledge In Kansas City, a First-Ever Stadium Designed for Women’s Sports Takes the Field Trump Promises Could Have Seismic Impact on Washington Economy NYC Mayor Adams Names Jessica Tisch to Lead Police Head Amid Probes Buying US stocks into year-end following a vote is the classic trading playbook. Historically, the S&P 500 has posted a median return of 5% from Election Day in November to the end of the year, according to data compiled by Deutsche Bank AG. Even the riskiest pockets like small-capitalization companies typically catch a bid in the rising tide. But this is hardly a classic election year. The S&P 500 is up 25% in 2024 after leaping 24% in 2023, putting the index on pace for its first back-to-back years of more than 20% gains since the late 1990s. As a result, share prices are high, with the S&P 500 trading at more than 22 times projected 12-month earnings, compared with an average reading of 18 in the last decade. And positioning data shows traders are already heavily invested in equities. Meanwhile, familiar foes from the past few years, rising bond yields and the threat of persistent inflation, loom in the background. All of which has the stock market set up for a potentially quiet holiday season — as opposed to the ragers of election years past. “With valuations elevated and the S&P 500 already near 6,000, the market will creep higher from here,” said Eric Beiley, executive managing director of wealth management at Steward Partners. “But I don’t see a big year-end rally because rising yields will keep investors at bay.” No Hurry The Federal Reserve has lowered interest rates twice since September. But recently, central bankers indicated that they aren’t in a hurry to go further. At the same time, Treasury yields have jumped to multi-month highs after US president-elect Donald Trump’s election victory ignited bets that his economic plans like large import tariffs and mass deportations of low-wage undocumented workers could stoke inflation and hurt growth, possibly reducing the Fed’s scope to cut interest rates. This explains why Wall Street strategists have been dialing back their rate reduction expectations since Trump’s election victory. The six months from November to April are historically the best part of the year for US equities because companies and pension plans tend to increase their stock buying starting on Nov. 1, according to the Stock Trader’s Almanac. However, those year-end rallies typically aren’t as robust when the S&P 500 has already risen at least 20%. In that case, since the 1970s the average return from now to Dec. 31 has been roughly 1%, according to data compiled by Bloomberg. Of course, this bull-market rally has gone far beyond these levels, with the S&P 500 up almost 70% since bottoming in October 2022. That will curb gains into late December, according to Savita Subramanian, head of US equity and quantitative strategy at Bank of America Corp. “Sentiment and positioning based on at least five indicators have grown dangerously bullish, leaving less room for positive surprises,” she wrote in a note to clients on Nov. 15. Heavy Hedging Already, some of the riskiest parts of the market are showing signs of weakness. Small-cap stocks, for instance, have erased most of their post-election rally as concern grows about the Fed’s rate path. And uncertainty over higher borrowing costs is prompting investors to hedge against sharp declines. Demand for far out-of-the-money put options on the S&P 500, technology-heavy Nasdaq 100 Index and small-cap Russell 2000 Index has risen to levels last seen during the heavy volatility ahead of the election, according to Kevin Brocks of 22V Research. That said, the rally isn’t necessarily in jeopardy simply because there’s growing speculation that the market has run too far. Valuations and investor sentiment can stay frothy for weeks — even months — before stocks suffer a significant drop, said Max Kettner, chief multi-asset strategist at HSBC Bank Plc, adding that there are “very few reasons to suggest a year-end rally has already been front-loaded.” Indeed, investors keep funneling money into stocks: They put $16.4 billion into US equities in the week through Nov. 20, marking the seventh consecutive weekly inflow, according to a Bank of America note citing EPFR Global data. The optimism isn’t entirely surprising. Looking at history, the S&P 500’s advance over the past two years isn’t even half of the 143% average gain in the 16 prior bull runs since 1945, according to Birinyi Associates. What investors most want to see when judging the rally’s strength is the gains broadening beyond the megacap tech that have been powering indexes higher on enthusiasm for artificial intelligence. It’s starting to happen, as the S&P 500 Equal Weight Index is outperforming the regular market-cap weighted version of the benchmark since Election Day, with financials, energy and consumer discretionary shares leading the way. In the end, however, it may be the bond market that sends the loudest signal for stock prices. If Treasury yields stay high and the Fed stands pat, there are serious risks to betting on significant further gains in equities. “A broadening rally is crucial but the one thing standing in the way of a strong advance for stocks the rest of the year is the bond market,” said Jamie Cox, managing partner at Harris Financial Group. “That may ultimately put a lid on a hefty year-end rally.” --With assistance from Natalia Kniazhevich. 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In the vast digital realm of video games, there exists a unique and intriguing online world known as "The Dusty Journey". This game, with its rich lore and intricate gameplay mechanics, has captivated players from around the globe. However, recently, a peculiar situation has arisen - there is now only one player left in the LGBT faction of "The Dusty Journey".
3. Tab for Inventory:Saudi Arabia is on top of the list of India’s close friends and allies and so is keen to share a number of defence technologies that have been localised in recent years, Indian envoy in Riyadh Dr. Suhel Ajaz Khan said recently addressing a defence industry seminar. The remarks show how defence-industrial cooperation is now a major focus area between the two countries as they deepen defence cooperation and now exploring joint ventures and collaborations. Highlighting the congruencies between Saudi’s Vision 2030 under which it is targeting to localise 50% of its defence spending, and India’s Make in India initiative, the envoy highlighted that there are lot of investment opportunities in the defence sector in India. Early this year, Saudi Arabia signed a $250 mn contract for ammunition from Munitions India Limited, a Defence Public Sector Undertaking. “Defence cooperation between the two countries are always based on very high level of mutual trust and confidence. And I am happy to note that our two countries do enjoy that level of trust and confidence and that’s what we are interested to share a large number of defence products and technologies with our friendly country, Saudi Arabia,” Dr. Khan told the seminar end-November, as an Indian delegation visited Riyadh. Saudi defence companies displayed a strong interest in fostering partnerships in critical sectors such as shipbuilding, electronics, and emerging technologies such as Artificial Intelligence and cybersecurity, officials said on the discussions during the seminar. Focus on indigenisation As we know, India and Saudi Arabia traditionally have always been the largest importers of defence hardware, Dr. Khan noted, stating that now both countries are trying to localise defence production to the extent possible. “In the last few years, we have made a lot of progress. But this progress has been extremely time consuming, resource consuming and painstakingly slow. But right now, we are at a level where we have a large number of inventory where we have localised production. And these technologies, we can share only with our very close friends and allies. Saudi Arabia, I can assure you, is on top of the list,” he stated. India, Saudi relations have seen a huge upswing in the last decade with defence and security emerging as one of the key pillars. There have been a series of high-level visits in the last two years maintaining the momentum. Further, the envoy said India had opened up its defence sector for investments which presents lot of investment opportunities for Saudi companies. He advocated the path of ‘invest, trade, localise’ and gave the example of a basmati rice brand that a Saudi firm has invested in, then was imported to Saudi and eventually set up shop there. This ‘invest, trade, localise’, also fits into the Saudi Vision 2030 “where you are trying to localise your defence industry like all of us should do but we can be partner in that,” Dr. Khan stated. Under Vision 2030, Saudi Arabia is aiming to transition from a defence consumer to a defence producer, with a target to localise 50% of its spending. Areas of mutual interest Major Indian public sector as well as private defence companies were present at the seminar and post the discussions, Indian companies have been invited to take forward conversations on specific projects including joint ventures in naval and aerospace technologies, officials in the know added. Minister of State for Defence Ajay Bhatt visited Riyadh in February for the World Defence Show (WDS) 2024 during which his discussions centred around “exploring avenues for collaboration in areas of mutual interest, including increasing the scope of joint training exercises, technology transfer and exchange of expertise”, the Defence Ministry had stated. In January this year, the two countries held the inaugural edition of the Army exercise ‘Sada Tanseeq’ at Mahajan ranges in Rajasthan and Saudi Arabia was one of the 18 Observer countries at the second phase of Indian Air Force’s largest air exercise Tarang Shakti in August. The two Navies have a bilateral exercise ‘Al Mohed Al Hindi’ that commenced in 2022. Saudi Arabia is reported to have procured the 155mm Advanced Towed Artillery Gun System (ATAGS) from Bharat Forge. Saudi Arabia has in the past evaluated two types of artillery guns manufactured from Bharat Forge. Published - December 25, 2024 09:43 pm IST Copy link Email Facebook Twitter Telegram LinkedIn WhatsApp Reddit India / India / World / Saudi Arabia / international relations
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Overall, the news that Victor Lindelof could be set to return this week is a positive development for Manchester United, and fans will be eagerly awaiting his comeback. With the team continuing to battle on multiple fronts, having key players back in action will be vital as they look to finish the season strongly and achieve their objectives.