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Australia’s sharemarket is likely to open lower after a sell-off in the world’s largest technology companies hit US stocks in the final stretch of a stellar year. Futures are pointing to a drop of 0.35 per cent, or 29 points, on Monday morning across the local bourse, to 8228, as traders take stock of a pullback in the US last week. Nasdaq, one of the “Magnificent Seven” companies, bore the brunt of last week’s selling. Credit: Bloomberg In the US, during a session of slim trading volume – which tends to amplify moves – the S&P 500 lost 1.1 per cent and the Nasdaq 100 slipped 1.4 per cent. While every major industry succumbed to Friday’s slide, tech megacaps bore the brunt of the selling. That’s after a torrid surge in which the group of companies dubbed the “Magnificent Seven” accounted for more than half of the US equity benchmark’s gains in 2024. “I think Santa has already come. Have you seen the performance this year?” said Kenny Polcari from financial advising firm SlateStone Wealth. “[This] week is another holiday-shortened week, volumes will be light, moves will be exaggerated. Don’t make any major investing decisions this week.” Steve Sosnick, from Interactive Brokers said while the market was in holiday season, he had fielded more inquiries than expected. “The best I can figure out is that there are large accounts, pension funds and the like, who need to rebalance their holdings before year-end,” he said. The S&P 500 and the Nasdaq 100 trimmed last week’s gains. The Dow Jones Industrial Average slipped 0.8 per cent on Friday. A gauge of the “Magnificent Seven” sank 2 per cent, led by losses in Tesla and Nvidia. The Russell 2000 index of small caps dropped 1.6 per cent. The yield on 10-year Treasuries rose 4 basis points to 4.62 per cent. The Bloomberg Dollar Spot Index wavered. Funds tied to several of the major themes that have driven markets and fund flows over the past three years stumbled during the week ending Christmas Day, according to data compiled by EPFR. Redemptions from cryptocurrency funds hit a record high while technology sector funds extended their longest outflow streak since the first week of 2023, the firm said. This year’s rally in US equities has driven the expectations for stocks so high that it may turn out to be the biggest hurdle for further gains in the new year. And the bar is even higher for tech stocks, given their massive surge in 2024. A Bloomberg Intelligence analysis recently found that analysts estimate a nearly 30 per cent earnings growth for the sector next year, but tech’s market-cap share of the S&P 500 index implies closer to 40 per cent growth expectations may be embedded in the stocks. “The market’s largest companies and other related technology darlings are still being awarded significant premiums,” said Jason Pride and Michael Reynolds at Glenmede. “Excessive valuations leave room for downside if earnings fail to meet expectations. Market concentration should reward efforts to regularly diversify portfolios.” Bloomberg The Market Recap newsletter is a wrap of the day’s trading. Get it each weekday afternoon .

The forum will explore Legal and Regulatory Frameworks to create balanced, growth-oriented policies that strengthen Internet governance. New Delhi: The India Internet Governance Forum (IIGF) 2024 will be held on December 9-10 at the Bharat Mandapam Convention Centre, Pragati Maidan in the national capital, according to an official statement issued on Sunday. Supported by the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology (MeitY) and the National Internet Exchange of India (NIXI), this initiative by India's multi-stakeholder community aims to explore critical aspects of Internet governance, foster meaningful dialogue, and highlight India's leadership in the global digital landscape. The event will be inaugurated by the Union Minister of State for Electronics & Information Technology and Commerce and Industry Jitin Prasada, in the presence of S. Krishnan, Secretary, MeitY. After the successful hybrid editions of IIGF in 2021, 2022, and 2023, the fourth edition will be conducted under the theme "Innovating Internet Governance for India". The forum will focus on bridging the digital divide, enhancing trust and safety in the online environment, and leveraging advanced technologies for nation-building while emphasizing the need for a secure, inclusive, and ethically governed Internet, the official statement read. IIGF 2024 will address critical themes to advance a secure, inclusive, and sustainable digital ecosystem. The discussions will focus on Empowering Connections, emphasizing enhanced access, inclusion, and digital rights to bridge the digital divide. The forum will explore Legal and Regulatory Frameworks to create balanced, growth-oriented policies that strengthen Internet governance. Another key focus is Responsible AI, promoting the ethical and effective use of artificial intelligence for societal benefit. Additionally, Building a Greener and Sustainable Internet will highlight energy-efficient practices and environmental sustainability in the digital realm, while Trust and Safety will address measures to enhance cybersecurity and boost user confidence in the online environment. These comprehensive discussions will unite stakeholders from various sectors to tackle pressing challenges and harness opportunities in Internet governance, the statement added. The India Internet Governance Forum (IIGF) is the Indian chapter of the United Nations Internet Governance Forum (UN IGF), a global multi-stakeholder platform that fosters dialogue on public policy issues related to the Internet. Established in 2021, IIGF promotes collaborative discussions among representatives from government, civil society, industries, technical communities, think tanks, and industry associations. Supported by a 14-member multi-stakeholder committee, IIGF aims to maximise the opportunities of the Internet while addressing associated challenges and risks. Known for its inclusive and collaborative approach, IGF plays a vital role in shaping policies for an open, secure, and accessible Internet, addressing issues such as cybersecurity, digital inclusion, data privacy, and emerging technologies. Stay informed on all the latest news , real-time breaking news updates, and follow all the important headlines in india news and world News on Zee News.

CONWAY, Ark. (AP) — Elias Cato scored 23 points as Central Arkansas beat UNC Asheville 92-83 in double overtime on Sunday. Jordan Morris made two free throws with one second left for UNC Asheville (2-3) to force overtime tied at 71. Fletcher Abee's 3-pointer with 33 seconds left in the first overtime tied the game at 79 and led to the second extra period. Michael Evbagharu's layup gave Central Arkansas (2-4) the lead in the second OT and Cato followed with a 3-pointer as the Bears outscored the Bulldogs 21-12 to pull out the victory. Cato added nine rebounds for the Bears. Layne Taylor totaled 19 points, seven assists, six rebounds and five steals. Brayden Fagbemi pitched in with 19 points, seven assists and five steals. The Bulldogs (2-3) were led by Fletcher Abee, who recorded 27 points. UNC Asheville also got 17 points from Josh Banks. Toyaz Solomon finished with 15 points, 15 rebounds and three blocks. The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by Data Skrive and data from Sportradar .Stormont minister Maurice Morrow told an official he would not raise the issue with the Northern Ireland Executive, despite similar measures being considered in England and Wales. A file on planning arrangements for the jubilee celebrations reveals a series of civil service correspondences on how Northern Ireland would mark the occasion. It includes a letter sent on January 11 2001 from an official in the Office of the First Minister/Deputy First Minister (OFMDFM) to the Department of Social Development, advising that a committee had been set up in London to consider a programme of celebrations. The correspondence says: “One of the issues the committee is currently considering is the possibility of deregulating liquor licensing laws during the golden jubilee celebrations on the same lines as the arrangements made for the millennium. “It is felt that the golden jubilee bank holiday on Monday 3 June 2002 is likely to be an occasion on which many public houses and similar licensed premises would wish to stay open beyond normal closing time.” The letter said a paper had been prepared on the issue of extending opening hours. It adds: “You will note that paragraph seven of the paper indicates that the devolved administrations ‘would need to consider deregulation separately within their own jurisdictions’. “I thought that you would wish to be aware that this issue is receiving active consideration for England and Wales and to consider whether anything needs to be done for Northern Ireland.” Some months later a “progress report” was sent between officials in OFMDFM, which again raised the issue of licensing laws. It says: “I spoke to Gordon Gibson, DSD, about Terry Smith’s letter of 12 January 2001 about licensing laws: the matter was put to their minister Maurice Morrow (DUP) who indicated that he would not be asking the NIE (Northern Ireland Executive) to approve any change to current licensing laws in NI to allow for either 24 hour opening (as at the millennium) nor a blanket approval for extended opening hours as is being considered in GB. “In both cases, primary legislation would be required here and would necessitate consultation and the minister has ruled out any consultation process.” The correspondence says individual licensees could still apply for an extension to opening hours on an ad hoc basis, adding “there the matter rests”. It goes on: “DSD await further pronouncements from the Home Office and Gibson and I have agreed to notify each other of any developments we become aware of and he will copy me to any (existing) relevant papers. “Ministers may well come under pressure in due course for a relaxation and/or parity with GB.” The document concludes “That’s it so far...making haste slowly?” Emails sent between officials in the department the same month said that lord lieutenants in Northern Ireland had been approached about local events to mark the jubilee. One message says: “Lord lieutenants have not shown any enthusiasm for encouraging GJ celebrations at a local level. “Lady Carswell in particular believes that it would be difficult for LLs to encourage such activities without appearing political.”

Already widespread before, climate despair has likely reached new levels following former President Donald Trump’s reelection. With good reason: Trump is committed to policies that are projected to kill tens of millions of people and unleash unprecedented chaos everywhere. But the climate war isn’t an all-or-nothing affair. Each fraction of a degree of heating that we can prevent will save many lives. Similarly, everything we do to build a more equitable world will provide some insulation against the heating that we fail to prevent. Furthermore, the fossil fuel industry is much more vulnerable than most people realize, its current profits notwithstanding. This was true in Trump’s first term and will remain true in his second. We can exploit its vulnerabilities. To do so, we need strategies that don’t require majority support at the national level. Though the United States public overwhelmingly supports environmental protections, clean energy and climate justice, most people don’t grasp the magnitude of the emergency and obviously don’t prioritize the climate when voting. What we do have is tens of millions of potential activists, including millions in many individual states. According to a 2024 Yale/George Mason University survey, large minorities say they feel angry (38 percent), fearful (38 percent) and anxious (36 percent) about the climate. In polls from the past five years, between 13 and 20 percent say they would definitely or probably “engage in nonviolent civil disobedience (e.g. sit-ins, blockades or trespassing) against corporate or government activities that make global warming worse” if someone they “like and respect” recruited them. About twice as many say they would visit politicians’ offices to pressure them. It’s these millions whom organizers should target. Drawing from the recent history of the climate movement, here’s a nonexhaustive list of ideas for organizers. My focus is on the U.S. since that’s the context I know best. None of the following require us to persuade a majority of voters or politicians at the national level. Public protests, from rallies to civil disobedience, are essential for generating public scrutiny of fossil fuel projects. Building large coalitions of stakeholders can increase their potency. Some confrontations, like the campaign against the Dakota Access Pipeline, can galvanize broader public consciousness and action. This is especially true when they intertwine with related fights for Indigenous sovereignty, racial equity and economic justice, which the climate movement has also prioritized in recent years. This type of protest is getting riskier almost everywhere, including in the United States. In the past decade 21 U.S. states have passed 56 new laws to criminalize or more harshly punish nonviolent protesters. Amid this authoritarian turn organizers must proceed carefully. In some cases, they will choose to defy those laws, and we should support them however possible. In other cases, they may choose disruptive forms of protest that are not (yet) illegal. Some of the most disruptive tactics are not very flashy. Leafletting against a company, if persistent and widespread, is potentially more disruptive than blockading a pipeline. Legal filings against companies or regulators can be highly disruptive. As industry spokespeople warn , more lawsuits can mean “further capital cost increases and longer overall pipeline approval and construction timelines.” A gas industry executive recently complained that “the number of lawsuits being filed to challenge pipeline construction” has added “costs and time to the development of a pipeline, which in some cases has just forced the pipelines to throw up their hands and walk away from projects.” Lawsuits against polluters for past damages are also important, both for the compensation they can deliver and for the potential long-term impact on the industry. The efficacy of litigation will partly depend on future legislative and judicial changes. Reforms to the permitting process , which could simultaneously facilitate fossil fuel infrastructure and renewables projects, would make it harder for the movement to obstruct polluters through the courts. Oil and gas companies may never reallocate their investments to other sectors, but financial institutions like banks, insurers and large institutional investors may. They could do so without jeopardizing their returns (fossil fuel financing comprises just over 1 percent of total assets at Bank of America, Chase and Citigroup), and their long-term financial stability would be more secure if they did. Public pension funds are potentially more vulnerable to our pressures, since they have a mandate to protect the long-term viability of their investments. These campaigns can take various forms. The most effective involve tying financial institutions to specific frontline struggles and getting institutions — city councils, universities, faith institutions, labor unions, and so on — to close their accounts or demand that their money managers reallocate investments. For instance, in 2017 the city of Seattle voted to close its $3 billion account with Wells Fargo due to the bank’s financing of the Dakota Access Pipeline. Divestment campaigns have traditionally targeted only stock holdings, but recent years have seen more action targeting banks, insurers and asset managers . Banks were also central targets in the South Africa divestment campaigns of the 1970s and 1980s. As always, polluters are finding ways to fight back. Some state governments have penalized financial institutions that “discriminate” against fossil fuels. This backlash only makes it more urgent that we build up a counterweight that imposes costs of our own on financial institutions. States have tremendous power to promote renewables, slash demand for fossil fuels, and even directly limit fossil fuel production. One climate expert estimates that “three-quarters of the country’s Paris Climate commitments can be achieved by state and local policy.” Recent state laws have mandated public investment in renewables , the phaseout of gas-powered vehicles , corporate pollution disclosures and “make-polluters-pay” penalties linked to climate disasters. All these laws stand to have powerful national impacts by altering corporate investments, as state legislation has often done . The prospects for building electoral coalitions around climate are far greater at the subnational levels. The Yale Program on Climate Change Communication provides detailed opinion data by county, state and congressional district . Since some of the most progressive states are also among the most important economically, reforms in those places can have outsized impacts at higher levels. A rare bright spot in the 2024 election was a referendum in Washington State, where 60 percent of voters rejected an effort to repeal the state’s climate legislation. That win followed a coalitional mobilization by almost 600 organizations. Also important are local-level laws that ban new gas hookups , improve energy efficiency standards, build community solar and otherwise cut fossil fuel demand. Those projects face challenges , particularly since this type of initiative is still new in the U.S. But they are clearly worrisome to gas companies for the signal they send investors about the industry’s long-term outlook. Predictably, polluters have directed their proxies in friendly courts and state governments to prohibit local restrictions on fossil fuels. For those who work, study, travel, or otherwise participate in institutions that consume lots of dirty energy, decarbonizing them is an important contribution to the climate fight. When universities replace gas boilers with heat pumps and solar panels, they deprive gas companies of some of their biggest customers. When school districts or local transportation authorities switch to electric buses, they do the same to the oil industry. Republicans will cut federal funding for many of these projects as soon as they can, so state, local and private sources of funding will become more important. Boycott campaigns could take various additional forms beyond divesting from dirty financiers and phasing out fossil fuel use. They might target specific companies that rely on sales to household consumers, such as a meat or dairy corporation linked to deforestation. They might involve the targeted punishment of companies that operate in political jurisdictions where governments allow polluters free rein, potentially including global penalties on U.S. companies. They might target businesses that operate in our towns and cities but oppose climate measures. (These municipal-level boycotts were another crucial piece of the South Africa campaign.) Any campaign with a national or global scope would need buy-in from major organizations. Serious boycotts campaigns are rare today but their potential remains great . We could muster the numbers necessary to win. Even without outreach, 26 percent of U.S. consumers already try to “punish” companies with the worst environmental records. An organized campaign by just 26 percent could wipe out many companies’ profit margins. In addition to investors and consumers, polluters need a workforce. As many progressive analysts have stressed, the movement needs to build bridges with fossil fuel workers, namely by fighting for reforms that properly compensate laid-off workers with money, retraining and/or new jobs. In the more immediate future, the movement could dedicate more energy to countering the recruitment of workers, particularly on college campuses. Companies’ fear of becoming less attractive to talented young graduates could become a significant force for internal change. Recent trends suggest the potential. Between 2017 and 2022, graduation from U.S. petroleum engineering programs plunged by 83 percent . This happened even as oil prices were rising, as Trump was trying to prop up the industry, and as other engineering programs were flourishing. Whether their concerns are moral or pragmatic, it appears few students see a future in the industry. More powerful, perhaps, would be a counterrecruitment campaign targeting one or more of the financial institutions that invest in fossil fuels. Again, those companies are more likely to abandon dirty energy than companies that specialize in it. There are growing hints of climate discontent among bank employees, which could be nurtured by organizers. Building a bigger, more combative labor movement is important to the climate struggle for at least two reasons. First, strikes are the most potent weapon for forcing the transformations we need. Climate strikes on a large scale aren’t yet plausible, but in the meantime, workers can fight for immediate workplace improvements like air-conditioning, water breaks and better ventilation. They can refuse to work in unsafe temperatures. This can be done by unionized and nonunionized workers alike, as recent workplace walkouts have shown. More ambitiously, they can force employers to reduce their own carbon pollution and to put pressure on dirty financial institutions. These actions also make employers more likely to demand policy reforms from government, including ones that restrain the fossil fuel industry. Second, labor organizing can also protect workers against the austerity and inflation that the ruling class will try to impose as the economic costs of climate destruction explode. Forcing capitalists to absorb more of those costs may also push them into political confrontation with the fossil fuel industry. The Hitlerian rhetoric of Trump’s 2024 campaign — undocumented immigrants are “poisoning the blood of our country” — is but a glimpse of the cruelty we’ll see as more fossil fuel refugees flee unlivable tropics and coastlines. Racist scapegoating will be central to the effort to shield polluters from accountability. And it will find fertile ground: Thirty-four percent of U.S. residents explicitly agree with Trump’s statement about “poisoning,” and over half now say they want more restrictions on immigration (nearly double from just a few years ago). In addition to organizing sanctuary campaigns , we’ll have to work constantly to redirect popular hatred onto the capitalist culprits while cultivating empathy for their victims. Standing with refugees is part of the larger imperative of international solidarity. Stabilizing the climate is impossible unless the Global South gets the resources it needs to decarbonize and adapt. The rich countries, led by the United States, have refused to offer adequate compensation for their carbon pollution, a stance they reaffirmed at the November 2024 COP29 meeting in Azerbaijan. On this count U.S. public opinion is more sympathetic, with most respondents supporting “aid to developing nations” for those purposes. That support would be much stronger if the public knew the true gravity of the crisis or the miserly stance of the U.S. government. (The public drastically overestimates the generosity of U.S. foreign aid, but also supports far more aid than what the government actually gives.) Climate disasters are already a significant source of inflation, including for food . We’ll see more dramatic spikes as climate breakdown causes more crop failures. Developing sustainable local agriculture and mutual aid projects of all kinds can cushion the working class while also fostering stronger community cohesion. The movement should also demand that governments create international reserves of essential commodities like food. These “buffer stocks” would buy up goods when they’re available in excess and sell them off at noninflated prices in times of shortage, thereby cushioning both producers and consumers against price shocks. We have to talk about our climate reality much more, with everyone we know and meet. Biblical hurricanes, droughts and wildfires simply have not made the climate crisis a topic of daily conversation for most U.S. residents. Two-thirds “rarely or never” discuss climate with friends or family. While some people have severe climate anxiety, most aren’t nearly anxious enough : Only 28 percent are “alarmed” by the crisis. (The rest range from “concerned” to “dismissive.”) In this context politicians find it easier to ignore the emergency or label it just another “issue.” For the minority who suffer high anxiety about the unfolding crisis, offer them ideas for collective action. For the majority who aren’t freaked out enough, urge them to tune in, and show them how the solutions will benefit them and their children. Republicans will do whatever they can to crush resistance. Protesters will be met with greater state violence. Refugees will face new levels of state terror. Public officials and employees will be fired. New laws and regulations will further criminalize “discrimination” against fossil fuels by lower levels of government. Yet two reminders are in order. First, conditions won’t be one-tenth as bad for U.S. citizens as they have been for foreign peoples, from Vietnam to El Salvador to Palestine, who have heroically resisted (and sometimes defeated) U.S. empire. Second, Trump will remain subservient to capital, and capital depends on our labor, our consumption and our quiescence. That gives us power. We will continue to have power, in 2025 and beyond, if we organize ourselves and use it.From $3.84 Billion In 2018 To $33.16 Billion By 2026 : Hyper-Converged Infrastructure Market Analysis

Fresh veggies certainly are best if available — and if they don’t lose precious nutrients by overcooking or languishing too long in the fridge. But don’t feel bad about using frozen and canned varieties, too. They are picked at the peak of ripeness and generally processed right away, which helps maintain nutrients. In fact, the current 2020-2025 Dietary Guidelines for Americans encourage us to eat a variety of vegetables including “fresh, frozen and canned.” While frozen and canned veggies both have their place, some facts about canned goods may surprise you. For one, they may literally save your life in an emergency when refrigerated food is not available. What about sodium? According to the Canned Food Alliance (mealtime.org), salt or sodium is not used to preserve canned food. That’s done with heat and cooling. So it’s OK to look for lower-sodium versions if needed. Or you can simply drain and rinse beans and other canned vegetables to get rid of 40% or more of the added sodium. Interestingly, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the major sources of sodium in our food are pizza, cold cuts, cured meat, bread, rolls, burgers and sandwiches. Canned food is not even in the top 10. What about nutrients and other beneficial substances? Some, such as lycopene (the healthful red pigment in tomatoes) and beta carotene (which converts to vitamin A in the body), are actually enhanced in heat-processed canned vegetables. Vitamin C is another story. It is the least stable of all vitamins and is easily destroyed by heat and exposure to air. However, according to a 2021 review in the journal Antioxidants, new technologies can now preserve the vitamin C content in many canned foods. I have a can of 100% vegetable juice in my cupboard, and it contains more vitamin C than a medium orange. “The general conclusion of this review,” say these authors, “was that while canned foods are often perceived as less nutritious than fresh or frozen products, the research reveals that this is not always true.” Susan C. from Lynchburg, Virginia, responded to a recent column about feeding picky grandkids: “You said you always want to throw in a vegetable and that you saw a tomato on your counter. I was always told that a tomato is really a fruit. Isn’t that true?” It is true. Tomatoes are biologically fruits but nutritionally vegetables. In fact, tomatoes were officially classified as vegetables by the U.S. Supreme Court in 1893. It’s a great trivia question for grandkids.

Van Nistelrooy’s first game in charge ended with a 3-1 win over West Ham, thanks to goals from Jamie Vardy, Bilal El Khannouss and Patson Daka. The Dutchman, who was out of work for just two weeks following his four-game spell as Manchester United interim boss, only started on Sunday so was happy to end a hectic three days in style. “It has been very busy getting to know everyone, start working together,” he said. “Everybody was involved with that and helping, it was busy, long days, but worth it. I was focused on the game and what the game needed, the subs, the half-time talk, so focused on the moment, so I am going to get myself a little beer and reflect on the last three days.” He endured a dream start as Vardy scored after just 98 seconds with El Khannouss and Daka adding second-half goals. It was by no means one-way traffic, though, as West Ham – who scored a consolation through Niclas Fullkrug at the death – had 30 shots on goal. But Van Nistelrooy saw enough to think he can deliver on his objective of keeping the Foxes in the Premier League. “I am very happy, if you look at the result – and it is about the result – it was a great night, three points, three good goals and also very effective. “Overall the game of course we have seen and how dominant West Ham were at certain stages and what they created, that is a fact and something we have to look at. “Overall, what I expected of the players going forward was togetherness and hunger, energy and spirit in this team that is fighting for every inch. “Eleven players on the pitch who are fighting as a foundation to play the rest of the Premier League. I saw that completely with every single player that started and came on. “That’s the foundation we have to build on, without that it will be impossible to get where we want to go. I am very happy about that.” West Ham’s hierarchy will have seen what impact a managerial change can have as the jury remains out on Julen Lopetegui, with away fans making their feelings clear by chanting “You’re getting sacked in the morning”. Lopetegui expects to keep his job but forthcoming games against his former club Wolves, Bournemouth, Brighton and Southampton could determine the Spaniard’s future. “The only thing that I am worried about is to go to training session tomorrow and stand up the players and prepare the next challenge,” he said. “We have one month of December with a lot of matches and I am sure with this attitude we are going to achieve many more points. “I believe in the players. I am confident that tomorrow we are going to be ready to prepare the next match. “Understanding the question, but at the end of the season maybe we talk in another way. There are a lot of matches and points, a lot of things can happen. “I believe in these players and team, I am sure the position is going to be much better. They are only words but we have to work a lot to achieve this.”

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Envisioning India as a global skill supplierVictims and families react as Biden spares the lives of 37 federal death row inmatesNetflix will have one of its biggest days Wednesday since the site launched in 1998 when it airs two NFL games for the first time. "NFL Christmas Gameday on Netflix" begins with a two-hour pregame show at 11 a.m., before Pittsburgh hosts Kansas City. Baltimore faces Houston in the second game. The streaming giant agreed to a three-year contract in May to carry Christmas Day games. Where will the games be available? Netflix's 282.3 million subscribers in over 190 countries will be able to stream the games, marking the first time one outlet has distributed an NFL game globally. Netflix will have the games available in five languages — English, French, Spanish, Portuguese, and German. The games will also air on CBS affiliates in Kansas City, Pittsburgh, Baltimore and Houston. NFL policy dictates that games on cable or being exclusively streamed must also be on an over-the-air station in the competing teams' markets. It will also be available on mobile devices in the U.S. for those who have NFL+. People are also reading... Why is the NFL putting Christmas Day games on a streaming platform? The biggest reason is money. The league is getting $150 million from Netflix for the two games this season. It also continues the NFL's moves into streaming — Thursday night games are in their third season on Amazon Prime Video and the "Sunday Ticket" package moved to YouTube TV last year. But Christmas is on a Wednesday when games usually aren't played. That's true, but the league wasn't about to give up Christmas after seeing the ratings. Last year's three games averaged 28.68 million viewers. The early afternoon contest between the Las Vegas Raiders and Chiefs led the way, averaging 29.48 million. The Chiefs, Steelers, Ravens and Texans played on Saturday, giving them the same turnaround they would have if they played on Sunday and then Thursday. What is at stake for the teams playing? All four have clinched playoff spots in the AFC, but seeding remains up for grabs. Kansas City (14-1) can clinch the top seed — which would mean a first-round bye and home field throughout the playoffs — with a win over the Steelers. Pittsburgh and Baltimore are tied atop the AFC North at 10-5, with the Steelers holding the tiebreaker due to a better conference record. Houston (9-6) has wrapped up the AFC South and holds the fourth seed. Has Netflix fixed its streaming problems from the Jake Paul-Mike Tyson fight? Netflix hopes so. Brandon Riegg, Netflix's vice president of nonfiction series and sports, said the system was stress tested, and then some, during the Nov. 14 bout, along with internet service providers reporting they were also overwhelmed by the surge that occurred before and during the fight. The bout peaked at 65 million concurrent streams, including 38 million concurrent streams in the United States. According to the website Down Detector, nearly 85,000 viewers logged problems with outages or streaming leading up to and during the fight. Could there be the same number streaming the games that there were during the fight? Possible? Yes. Likely? No. The largest audience for a streamed-exclusive NFL game was 23 million on Peacock for last season's AFC wild-card game between the Miami Dolphins and Chiefs. Nielsen will measure the ratings for the Christmas Day games, with early numbers expected late afternoon on Thursday. When could there be surge in demand on Wednesday? It will probably be at kickoff for both games, but especially around 5:45 p.m. EST. That would be near halftime of the Ravens-Texans game, and when Beyoncé will be performing. What other celebrities will appear? Mariah Carey will kick off the day with a taped performance of "All I Want for Christmas is You." There is no word if Taylor Swift will make the trip to Pittsburgh to watch her boyfriend, Chiefs tight end Travis Kelce. Swift has been spending time in Kansas City since she wrapped up her Eras Tour two weeks ago. How many Christmas games will Netflix carry in the next two seasons? The NFL will have at least two games on Dec. 25 in 2025 and '26, with Netflix slated to have at least one each year. Amazon Prime Video will have a night game with Christmas on a Thursday next year. Does Netflix have an interest in other sports? Netflix's worldwide partnership with World Wrestling Entertainment will begin on Jan. 6 when "Monday Night Raw" moves to the streaming service. On Friday, Netflix secured the U.S. rights for the 2027 and 2031 FIFA Women's World Cup. Get local news delivered to your inbox!