sg777 download ios
Spotlight on Potential: 2 Mid-Cap Stocks Ready for a Remarkable Comeback in 2025
BOSTON (AP) — Two men, including a dual Iranian American citizen, have been arrested on charges that they exported sensitive technology to Iran that was used in a drone attack in Jordan that killed three American troops early this year and injured dozens of other service members, the Justice Department said Monday. The pair were arrested after FBI specialists who analyzed the drone traced the navigation system to an Iranian company operated by one of the defendants, who relied on technology funneled from the U.S. by his alleged co-conspirator, officials said. “We often cite hypothetical risk when we talk about the dangers of American technology getting into dangerous hands,” said U.S. Attorney Joshua Levy, the top federal prosecutor in Massachusetts. “Unfortunately, in this situation, we are not speculating.” The defendants were identified as Mahdi Mohammad Sadeghi, who prosecutors say works at a Massachusetts-based semiconductor company, and Mohammad Abedininajafabadi, who was arrested Monday in Italy as the Justice Department seeks his extradition to Massachusetts. Prosecutors allege that Abedininajafabadi, who also uses the surname Adedini and operates an Iranian company that manufactures navigation systems for drones, has connections to Iran's paramilitary Revolutionary Guard. They allege that he conspired with Sadeghi to circumvent American export control laws, including through a front company in Switzerland, and procure sensitive technology into Iran. Both men are charged with export control violations, and Abedini separately faces charges of conspiring to provide material support to Iran. A lawyer for Sadeghi, a naturalized U.S. citizen who was arrested Monday in Massachusetts, did not immediately return an email seeking comment. U.S. officials blamed the January attack on the Islamic Resistance in Iraq, an umbrella group of Iran-backed militias that includes Kataib Hezbollah. Three Georgia soldiers — Sgt. William Jerome Rivers of Carrollton, Sgt. Breonna Moffett of Savannah and Sgt. Kennedy Sanders of Waycross — were killed in the Jan. 28 drone attack on a U.S. outpost in northeastern Jordan called Tower 22. In the attack, the one-way attack drone may have been mistaken for a U.S. drone that was expected to return back to the logistics base about the same time and was not shot down. Instead, it crashed into living quarters, killing the three soldiers and injuring more than 40. Tower 22 held about 350 U.S. military personnel at the time. It is strategically located between Jordan and Syria, only 10 kilometers (6 miles) from the Iraqi border, and in the months just after Hamas’ Oct. 7 attack on Israel, and Israel’s blistering response in Gaza, Iranian-backed militias intensified their attacks on U.S. military locations in the region. Following the attack, the U.S. launched a huge counterstrike against 85 sites in Iraq and Syria used by Iran's Revolutionary Guard and Iranian-backed militia and bolstered Tower 22’s defenses. ____ Tucker and Copp reported from Washington. Steve Leblanc, Eric Tucker And Tara Copp, The Associated Press
Get essential daily news for Fort Worth area Sign up to receive insightful, in-depth local stories today. 📩 Texas Wesleyan brands itself as “Smaller. Smarter.” The east Fort Worth university could add “Cheaper” to the list through a new free tuition program. The private university of around 2,500 students announced the program this week that would offer free tuition to incoming freshmen in Texas who qualify for Pell Grants, a federal grant for students with “exceptional financial need,” according to the U.S. Department of Education’s website . The cost of annual undergraduate tuition for full-time students is around $34,000, according to the university’s website . “This program is a game-changer for students in Texas who dream of a college education, especially at a small, private institution like Texas Wesleyan, that may face financial barriers,” Texas Wesleyan President Emily Messer said in a statement. “We believe in the power of education to transform lives. By eliminating tuition barriers for deserving Texas students, we’re opening doors to countless opportunities,” she added. The program will kick off in the 2025-26 academic year for incoming freshmen. Students need to be first-time college students and receive the maximum amount of a Pell Grant to qualify. The federal grant will cover the first dollar amounts of tuition, and Texas Wesleyan will foot the rest of the bill. Get essential daily news for the Fort Worth area. Sign up for insightful, in-depth stories — completely free. In order to determine Pell eligibility, applicants must complete a FAFSA, or Free Application for Federal Student Aid, form . Once in the program, students can renew their free tuition for up to four years, as long as they remain enrolled full-time and maintain satisfactory academic standards. “Given the extremely high cost of college and how important a degree is to people’s future earning potential, the chance to get an education for free via the combination of Pell Grants and private donations is a really big deal for students,” said Chip Lupo, a writer and analyst for WalletHub, a financial services company. “It also makes colleges that institute such programs more popular among prospective students with affordability issues.” Nearly half — 46% — of Texas Wesleyan students receive a Pell Grant, according to federal financial aid data for the 2022-23 academic year. The average award is nearly $6,000. The maximum allowed Pell Grant award for this academic year is around $7,400. Lupo said the Pell Grant program does not have a strict income cut-off, but only 6% of recipients come from families with an annual income of $60,000 or more. About 39% come from families with incomes between $20,001 and $50,000, and the majority, 51% of students, come from families with annual incomes below $20,000. College accessibility is a central concern at Texas Wesleyan and for Messer personally, as a first-generation college student. In the early days of Messer’s presidency at the east Fort Worth University, she saw the university’s role as being in the business of changing lives . The majority of students come from Tarrant County, and more than half are the first in their family to attend college. The university has many notable alumni in politics, including outgoing U.S. House Rep. Kay Granger, former State Sen. Beverly Powell, current U.S. House Rep. Marc Veasey and current Mayor Mattie Parker, who graduated from the law school before it was purchased by Texas A&M. “I would not be where I am today without Texas Wesleyan University. It played a huge role for me,” Veasey, a 1995 graduate of the school, said at the inauguration ceremony of Messer earlier this year. “I was one of those students that didn’t have a lot of money and was looking for a place where I would fit in, so I could do something with my life.” Update: This story has been updated to state that students who receive the full Pell Grant qualify for the program. Disclosure: Texas Wesleyan University has been a financial supporter of the Fort Worth Report. At the Fort Worth Report, news decisions are made independently of our board members and financial supporters. Read more about our editorial independence policy here . Shomial Ahmad is a higher education reporter for the Fort Worth Report, in partnership with Open Campus . Contact her at shomial.ahmad@fortworthreport.org. Related Fort Worth Report is certified by the Journalism Trust Initiative for adhering to standards for ethical journalism . Republish This Story Republishing is free for noncommercial entities. Commercial entities are prohibited without a licensing agreement. Contact us for details. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License . Look for the "Republish This Story" button underneath each story. To republish online, simply click the button, copy the html code and paste into your Content Management System (CMS). Do not copy stories straight from the front-end of our web-site. You are required to follow the guidelines and use the republication tool when you share our content. The republication tool generates the appropriate html code. You can’t edit our stories, except to reflect relative changes in time, location and editorial style. You can’t sell or syndicate our stories. Any web site our stories appear on must include a contact for your organization. If you use our stories in any other medium — for example, newsletters or other email campaigns — you must make it clear that the stories are from the Fort Worth Report. In all emails, link directly to the story at fortworthreport.org and not to your website. If you share our stories on social media, please tag us in your posts using @FortWorthReport on Facebook and @FortWorthReport on Twitter. You have to credit Fort Worth Report. Please use “Author Name, Fort Worth Report” in the byline. If you’re not able to add the byline, please include a line at the top of the story that reads: “This story was originally published by Fort Worth Report” and include our website, fortworthreport.org . You can’t edit our stories, except to reflect relative changes in time, location and editorial style. Our stories may appear on pages with ads, but not ads specifically sold against our stories. You can’t sell or syndicate our stories. You can only publish select stories individually — not as a collection. Any web site our stories appear on must include a contact for your organization. If you share our stories on social media, please tag us in your posts using @FortWorthReport on Facebook and @FortWorthReport on Twitter. by Shomial Ahmad, Fort Worth Report December 10, 2024Chuck Schumer Calls on DHS to Deploy Drone 'Detection Systems' in New York, New Jersey
Charvarius Ward will join the list of 49ers missing Monday night’s game against the Lions at Levi’s Stadium after the team ruled him out Sunday afternoon. The veteran cornerback and his girlfriend, Monique Cook, have been expecting the birth of a baby boy. The team cited personal reasons for Ward’s absence after coach Kyle Shanahan indicated Friday that Ward had good news but declined to explain further. Two months ago, Ward and Cook lost their first-born daughter unexpectedly at 23 months old. Ward missed three games in the wake of the devastating loss. As a pending free agent, Ward may have played his last game for the 49ers. He has been with the team the last three seasons after signing as a free agent from Kansas City, earning Pro Bowl honors last year as the top corner on an NFC champion team. He has 51 tackles and seven passes defensed this season after 72 tackles and five interceptions in 2023, including a two-pick, one-touchdown day last Dec. 17 at Arizona . In his absence, more will be thrust on the recently extended Deommodore Lenoir against the Lions’ air attack, and rookie Renardo Green will likely start in Ward’s place. Free agent signee Isaac Yiadom also may see more playing time. Along with Ward, left tackle Trent Williams (ankle) and linebacker Dre Greenlaw (calf) were ruled out earlier this week, as were guards Aaron Banks (knee) and Spencer Burford (calf). Williams was placed on injured reserve and Greenlaw is also out for the season. ©2024 MediaNews Group, Inc. Visit at mercurynews.com. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.
Marvell Introduces 1.6 Tbps LPO Chipset to Enable Optical Short-reach, Scale-up Compute Fabric InterconnectsSharpie Creative Paint-like Brush Tip Acrylic Markers, Now 57% Off
Jimmy Carter was America’s oldest ex-president and had by far the longest former presidency. Indeed, his remarkable life — which ended today after 100 years — can be divided into the stretches before (38 years) and after (43 years) he held public office, with a comparatively short stretch of public service (four in the Georgia state senate, four as governor, and four as president, plus a couple of stints of campaigning) between those two eras. While his ascent to the presidency was in many respects astonishing, his record as a politician was at best mixed: He won one statewide political contest in Georgia and lost one, then won one presidential election and lost one. Assessments of his presidency never quite turned positive in hindsight, and for many years he continued to hold controversial positions on the ultimate hot-button international concern, the Middle East. Most recently, the return of inflation in the early 2020s brought back memories of one of the more painful aspects of his administration’s record. Yet the man always known by the informal name of Jimmy became and remained a beloved figure in his postpresidency, owing in no small part to his dogged, one-foot-in-front-of-the-other efforts to combat such basic scourges of the human condition as war, disease, political corruption, and homelessness. Carter was born in 1924 on a large family peanut farm near the hamlet of Plains in southwestern Georgia, the son of an experienced farmer and entrepreneur, Earl, and a trained nurse, Lillian, the remarkable woman who eventually found fame by joining the Peace Corps at age 68 as her son ran for governor. He helped in his family’s agricultural and commercial ventures while growing up. (One, which he was later to revive and expand, was wine-making, unusual for rural Baptists at the time.) Though a dutiful son of the land, Carter longed for travel, and after some preliminary higher education, he gained admission to the U.S. Naval Academy in 1943, graduating in the top 10 percent of his class in 1946, shortly after World War II ended. Around the same time, he married Rosalynn Smith, a friend of his sister’s from Plains, and the couple soon began a family that ultimately included three sons and a daughter. Carter was well embarked on a naval career (notably serving on the research staff of Hyman Rickover, the “father of the nuclear Navy,” whose hands-on taskmaster management style made a deep impression on the young officer) when his father was diagnosed with pancreatic cancer, leading Carter to secure a discharge and return to Plains to take over the family farm and businesses. By the end of the 1950s, he was both prosperous and restless, and he became involved in civic and political life. He entered politics at the larger tail end of Jim Crow, when it didn’t take much to get a reputation as a relative liberal on racial matters. Carter quietly qualified by supporting the desegregation of his own Southern Baptist congregation and refusing to join the militantly racist White Citizens’ Council movement when it reached his county. By the time he got to the state senate in 1962 (a judicial intervention aimed at a rival’s fraud forced a second election), he was known as a strong supporter of President John F. Kennedy, whose hesitant support for civil-rights legislation and school desegregation was more than enough to make him a traitor to many white southern Democrats. But in Carter’s initial and subsequent campaigns prior to his election as governor, he was hardly a profile in courage on racial matters. In his first gubernatorial bid, in 1966, he cleverly positioned himself between the self-described liberal ex-governor Ellis Arnall and the notorious segregationist Lester Maddox. (I was a kiddie volunteer for that first statewide Carter campaign.) He narrowly missed making a Democratic runoff against Arnall mostly because of Republican crossover votes for Maddox, who was deemed the Democrat that GOP nominee Bo Callaway could most easily defeat. When write-in votes for Arnall forced the election into the legislature under Georgia’s archaic and poorly written Constitution, Carter joined most (but not all) Democrats in casting a party-line vote for the buffoonish racist Maddox. I was shocked to hear my hero’s voice clearly announcing a vote for “Lester G. Maddox” on the live radio broadcast of the balloting, and I did not support his subsequent gubernatorial effort. Carter barely stopped running between 1966 and 1970, and he confirmed his twin reputations for cautious ambivalence on racial issues and impressive (if cynical) political skills. This time, his principal opponent was former governor Carl Sanders, who had earned the loyalty of Black voters during a relatively enlightened first term. While Carter was quietly wooing some of the same Black civil-rights leaders who would later spearhead his presidential run, his public campaign focused on a populist appeal to white rural and small-town voters who disliked “Cufflinks Carl” for his corporate ties and his racial moderation. Most notoriously, Carter supporters widely distributed photos of Sanders celebrating a victory with Black players from the Atlanta Hawks, the NBA team he partially owned. Carter also went out of his way to express solidarity with Alabama’s George Wallace, who was running an overtly racist campaign in 1970 to recapture power in Montgomery. Carter consolidated conservative white voters and nearly won a majority against Sanders in the first round of primaries, then dispatched the former governor handily in a runoff. But upon taking office (after a pro forma general-election victory over Republican TV newsman Hal Suit), Carter engineered a sharp left turn on racial issues, making this blunt statement in his 1971 inaugural address : I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over ... No poor, rural, weak, or Black person should ever have to bear the additional burden of being deprived of the opportunity of an education, a job, or simple justice. Thanks to his reputation for quiet decency on racial matters and the strength of his outreach to civil-rights leaders, his campaign demagoguery, not this new departure, was widely viewed as tactical and disposable. While racially enlightened, Carter’s governorship (limited at the time to a single term) was to a significant extent focused on the dry process issue of government reorganization. He successfully proposed to consolidate 300 state agencies into 22. He made small but politically significant gestures in areas ranging from the equalization of public-education revenues to prison reform and environmental protection. Meanwhile, like most southern (and not a few northern) politicians in both parties, Carter opposed busing to achieve school desegregation. He nonetheless kept himself in the national political news as an exemplar of “New South” Democratic governors (whose ranks included Dale Bumpers of Arkansas, Reubin Askew of Florida, and John West of South Carolina) who were outmaneuvering the old segregationists of their own party while heading off Republican gains in the region that threatened Democrats’ national viability. They were the first truly “national” Democrats in the South since the party had fully abandoned its ancient willingness to support, or at least tolerate, Jim Crow. Carter’s astonishing rise to the presidency just two years after a meh single term as governor of a Deep South state was a testament to both his unique positioning in a Democratic Party struggling with realignment and the political skills he and his advisers often showed even as they were being mocked as backwoods rubes. Team Carter exploited the emergence of the Iowa caucuses as a pre–New Hampshire nominating contest and out-organized the field there. He then took advantage of national Democrats’ desire for someone to end the threat of Wallace’s presidential candidacy by securing support for one-on-one contests with the Alabaman in the South, which Carter won with the regionally resonant slogan “Don’t send them a message. Send them a president.” He used crucial support from the Atlanta-based King-family network of civil-rights stalwarts to head off attacks on his dubious background on racial matters and turned criticism of his lack of experience into an asset among voters still furious at Watergate-era Washington. Even his Baptist piety became a selling point among both Evangelicals (who had not yet begun their mass exodus to the GOP) and voters inclined to believe his “I’ll never tell you a lie” pledge. But it was in the general-election contest against Gerald Ford that Carter’s unique regional political appeal became crucial, as I explained in a meditation on the 2020 revival of the southern Democratic Party: [Carter] defeated Wallace in most southern primaries and then gained his endorsement , subsequently putting together a mind-bending coalition of Black and conservative white voters united by regional pride (between Andrew and Lyndon Johnson, no president was elected from a state that had been part of the Confederacy). Carter won every state of the former Confederacy (producing huge swings compared with Hubert Humphrey’s performance in 1968 and George McGovern’s in 1972) except Virginia; he won the border states of Delaware, Kentucky, and Missouri as well as southern-inflected areas of Ohio and Pennsylvania that helped keep those states in the Democratic column. It is unlikely that any other Democrat could have won the presidency in 1976, and Carter won by an eyelash. Yet like other regional or ethnic-racial pioneers, his peak of support among the home folks was a thing of the past once he took office. Thus began a troubled four years. Carter with Israeli prime minister Menachem Begin in Tel Aviv as the peace talks began. After winning in New Hampshire, February 24, 1976. With Rosalynn at a White House Congressional Ball, 1977. Carter with Israeli prime minister Menachem Begin in Tel Aviv as the peace talks began. After winning in New Hampshire, February 24, 1976. With Rosalynn at a White House Congressional Ball, 1977. Carter’s one-term presidency had its ups and downs and was rarely stable or predictable. Yes, he inherited a lot of economic trouble from the Nixon and Ford administrations, but his response to double-digit inflation (involving some austerity measures and a lot of austerity talk) divided Democrats, particularly when the Carter administration deprioritized full employment and put in place a Federal Reserve Board chairman (Paul Volcker) determined to use a tight monetary policy to tame inflation, triggering a recession. This economic turbulence and a closely associated energy crisis (both kicked off by the Arab oil boycott of 1973–74 and a subsequent huge price spike in petroleum products) led Carter to indulge his inner Baptist deacon and sternly lecture Americans about the need for belt-tightening and self-discipline. For one famous week in 1979, he holed up at Camp David summoning advisers and elected officials in preparation for what was later known as the “ malaise speech ” (though he did not use that term). He struggled regularly with congressional Democrats, who joined with Republicans in sufficient numbers to kill his proposals for a stepped-up federal consumer-protection effort, standby gas-rationing powers, and canceling major water projects he deemed unnecessary. As he had in Georgia, Carter emphasized government-reorganization schemes and did succeed in creating new Cabinet-level Departments of Education and Energy. But foreign policy was an unusually large focus for Carter as president, leading to some of his biggest triumphs and setbacks. He invested enormous amounts of capital and personal time into engineering the 1978 Camp David Accords, the landmark Israeli-Egyptian peace agreement signed by Menachem Begin and Anwar Sadat. (It has, extraordinarily, held for more than four decades.) Earlier that year, after a long, tense negotiation, he secured Senate ratification of a treaty to relinquish the Panama Canal to Panama. Beyond establishing any individual bilateral relationships, Carter introduced human rights as a key consideration in U.S. foreign and defense policy, modifying the strict anti-Communist priorities of his immediate predecessors. Carter’s interactions with Iran characterized the ambiguities of his presidency, helping him beat Ted Kennedy in the 1980 Democratic primaries but putting an exclamation point on his general-election defeat. Kennedy had been leading Carter two-to-one in primary polls in mid-1979 when the Massachusetts senator all but decided to run; Carter’s combative streak was engaged, and he went out of his way to tell journalists that if Kennedy ran, “I’ll whip his ass.” But a few days before Kennedy’s official announcement, Iranian student revolutionaries took 66 Americans hostage in Tehran in response to Carter’s decision — against the caution of his advisers — to let the deposed Shah of Iran into the U.S. for cancer treatment. The hostage-taking launched a simmering crisis that did not end until the last day of Carter’s presidency. The international emergency did bolster the incumbent’s public standing, particularly among Democrats, and Carter’s “Rose Garden strategy” of running for renomination without holding personal campaign events worked, at least initially. He won 14 of the first 15 caucuses and primaries (losing only Massachusetts), in part by rebuilding his biracial coalition of support in southern and southern-inflected states. Kennedy made a comeback in the later primaries, and voters grew tired of the hostage crisis (particularly after a rescue attempt went bad in April ) and the country’s chronic economic problems. Kennedy won New York, Pennsylvania, California, and New Jersey, but it wasn’t enough to defeat the incumbent. Still, he didn’t concede until the convention and managed to avoid the traditional arms-raised unity gesture with Carter as the proceedings ended. Carter had his moments in the general-election contest with Republican Ronald Reagan (and his low points, as when he briefly slipped behind independent candidate John Anderson in the polls), managing to keep the race competitive until late in the campaign despite an assortment of ongoing crises in domestic and foreign policy. There were persistent rumors then and later (and recently, spurred by Carter’s transition to end-of-life care, a confession from an associate of Republican power broker John Connally) of Republican efforts to talk the Iranian regime out of a hostage release prior to the election, but the outcome was probably sealed in any event. In their one debate, Reagan famously called for voters to make the election a referendum on “the last four years,” and right at the end of the race, Carter’s numbers collapsed. Reagan won by nearly ten points, carrying 44 states. Although he left office at only 55, Carter never gave a thought to running again. His vice-president, Walter Mondale, won the 1984 Democratic presidential nomination but lost 49 states in the general election, which proved the country was undergoing a partisan realignment. Carter’s strength in the South had masked it earlier, keeping Democratic losses from being much worse. But Carter didn’t brood about his difficulties as president and embraced a simple if robust postpresidential agenda that kept him in good stead for over four decades. His principal vehicle was the Carter Center, a nonprofit organization created in 1982 in partnership with Atlanta’s Emory University; he and Rosalynn Carter served as co-founders. Its three main international programs have centered on conflict resolution (in areas ranging from North Korea–U.S. nuclear cooperation, to the restoration of democracy in Haiti, to disputes between Sudan and Uganda and between Colombia and Ecuador), election monitoring (in 39 countries), and health initiatives. The center has led efforts to eradicate deadly diseases like Guinea worm and to help diagnose and treat others like river blindness and trachoma. It has also fought to reduce the stigma of mental illness in the U.S. and beyond. In 2002, Carter was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for the Carter Center’s efforts to “find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” He also continued his work for Middle East peace, leading to the one big controversy surrounding his postpresidential years: allegations that he was hostile to Zionism and to Israel itself, which grew stronger with the publication of his 2006 book, Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid . Another postpresidential commitment of Carter’s (and Rosalynn’s) involved Habitat for Humanity, a Georgia-based NGO that had long been doing modest work to build housing for the homeless. The Carters began working with Habitat in 1984 and over the years helped it expand its programs to all 50 states and to 70 countries. We’ve all seen those celebrated photographs of Carter framing up walls. During the 1992 presidential campaign, I was having dinner at the Atlanta political hangout Manuel’s Tavern, and I asked a waiter about all the security loitering around a back room. “Jimmy’s back there showing Clinton and Gore how to drive a nail,” the waiter replied; sure enough, the next day, the three men held a Habitat event nearby and nary a nail was missed. Yet the nongovernmental entity to which Carter devoted the most years was probably the Baptist Church. He taught Sunday school off and on at the Maranatha Baptist Church in Plains from its founding in 1977 as a church that welcomed Black worshippers. As the Southern Baptist Convention became militantly conservative in the 1980s and ’90s, Carter eventually broke any identification with the SBC (especially objecting to its refusal to ordain women as ministers) and became a leader of the moderate spinoff group the Cooperative Baptist Fellowship . Carter’s legacy as a president and a politician is substantial but not entirely settled. He was prescient in a number of policy areas, notably the search for a comprehensive energy strategy and his strong stance on human rights as a touchstone of U.S. foreign policy. He was also a personal diplomat of great courage and skill. From a political perspective, he was the key bridge figure between the Jim Crow era of southern politics and the biracial Democratic coalitions that followed; the Democratic victories in Georgia in 2020 — including the election of a Black U.S. senator — must have gratified him immensely. But Carter also exemplified centrist and even conservative strains in the Democratic Party that persisted while white Democratic racist politics largely vanished. What made Carter’s postpresidential career so popular, however, was the simple sense, shared far beyond his own region or party, that he was a fundamentally good man who eschewed riches and power for a more humble path to righteousness. He slowly but surely added up accomplishments that dwarf what he was able to do as the most powerful man on earth. Most of all, Jimmy Carter is the eternal role model for those who never stop learning and evolving while maintaining highly consistent values no matter how very long they live. He had slowly been leaving us for a while, but he will be missed. By submitting your email, you agree to our Terms and Privacy Notice and to receive email correspondence from us.PINE BLUFF, Ark. (AP) — Quintell Quinn ran for 154 yards and two touchdowns to lead Texas Southern to a 31-23 victory over Arkansas-Pine Bluff on Saturday. Quinn scored on a 32-yard run to open the scoring midway through the first quarter, and his 75-yard touchdown run gave Texas Southern a 17-13 lead with 6:59 remaining in the third. A little more than three minutes later, Jace Wilson threw a 21-yard touchdown pass to Trenton Leary that stretched the Tigers' lead to 24-13. Athean Renfro added 55 yards rushing with a 1-yard TD run in the fourth quarter for Texas Southern (5-6, 4-4 Southwestern Athletic Conference). DJ Stevenson threw a touchdown pass and an interception for Arkansas-Pine Bluff (3-8, 2-6). Abdulbasit Osholake had an 80-yard pick-6 that tied it 7-all late in the second quarter for the Lions. ___ Get alerts on the latest AP Top 25 poll throughout the season. Sign up here ___ AP college football: https://apnews.com/hub/ap-top-25-college-football-poll and https://apnews.com/hub/college-football Copyright 2024 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without permission.
Byfield scores in 200th career game as Kings hold off Kraken for 2-1 win
TAMPA, Fla. (AP) — Jake Evans scored for the career-high fifth consecutive game and the surging Montreal Canadiens beat the Tampa Bay Lightning 5-2 on Sunday night. Christian Dvorak, Joel Armia, Brendan Gallagher and Alex Newhook also scored to help the Canadiens win for the fifth time in six games. Sam Montembeault made 21 saves. Javascript is required for you to be able to read premium content. Please enable it in your browser settings. Get the latest sports news delivered right to your inbox six days a week.Michelle Goth There is always that one dish on the Thanksgiving table – overlooked while the mashed potatoes and gravy steal the spotlight. Surprisingly, this much-maligned side dish has been a part of American tradition for centuries and holds endless possibilities beyond its original purpose, perfectly suited to be reinvented in unexpected ways. Despite its deep roots in Thanksgiving history, this dish remains one of the most polarizing items on the table today. What is this least popular Thanksgiving dish? Cranberry sauce. Cranberry sauce has been part of American cuisine for centuries. Native Americans used cranberries in cooking and medicine, and early European settlers followed suit, incorporating the berries into sauces and preserves. By the 19th century, cranberry sauce became a Thanksgiving tradition, although recipes varied by region. The introduction of canned cranberry sauce in the 20th century made it even more popular, cementing its spot as an expected accompaniment for Thanksgiving turkey on tables across the country. Those who do enjoy cranberry sauce probably have a strong opinion about what form is acceptable. Some people prefer canned cranberry sauce for its nostalgic jiggle, while others insist that fresh, homemade cranberry sauce is the only way to go. Homemade whole berry sauce is the top choice for many, with its texture and flavor offering something truly special. A 2021 survey by the grocery delivery service Instacart found that cranberry sauce is the least favorite Thanksgiving dish, with 29% of American adults saying they hate it and nearly 50% calling it disgusting. This makes cranberry sauce the most polarizing and the most disliked dish on the Thanksgiving table. Even though it ranks as the least favorite dish, omitting cranberry sauce from the holiday meal is still considered a bit of a Thanksgiving faux pas . Regardless of what kind of cranberry sauce graces the table, its lack of popularity guarantees leftovers. But do not let those leftovers go to waste; there are plenty of creative and delicious ways to use cranberry sauce beyond the Thanksgiving table. Leftover cranberry sauce? There is no need to despair. Here are some fun, delicious and inventive ways to give those leftovers a new purpose. Cranberry grilled cheese Cranberry sauce is the perfect addition to a grilled cheese sandwich. Layer sharp cheddar or brie cheese, turkey leftovers and a spoonful of cranberry sauce between two slices of sourdough bread. The tart cranberry cuts through the richness of the cheese for a perfectly balanced bite. To feed a crowd, consider making a casserole dish of turkey cranberry sliders with leftover sauce and turkey meat. Cranberry vinaigrette To make a simple salad dressing, grab a mason jar and add a tablespoon of leftover cranberry sauce. Pour in a splash of white balsamic vinegar and an equal portion of olive oil. Add pinches of fresh herbs, salt and pepper. Secure the lid, shake well and drizzle the zesty cranberry vinaigrette over an autumn salad with lettuce, gorgonzola cheese, pecans and dried cranberries. Cranberry BBQ sauce For an easy homemade barbecue sauce, mix leftover cranberry sauce with ketchup or chili sauce, a dash of hot sauce or Worcestershire sauce, and a bit of brown sugar. The result is a tangy barbecue sauce that pairs beautifully with cocktail meatballs , roasted chicken or pork chops. Guests will never guess that the base of your homemade barbecue sauce was the leftover cranberry sauce from Thanksgiving. Cranberry yogurt parfait For a quick breakfast or snack, layer cranberry sauce with vanilla Greek yogurt and granola for a simple yet elegant autumn parfait. The sweetness of the granola and the tanginess of the cranberry sauce make for a great flavor balance. For bonus points, add a drizzle of maple syrup and pecans. Cocktail mixer Yes, cranberry sauce can be used in cocktails. To make a festive drink, shake a generous spoonful of cranberry sauce with vodka, a splash of orange juice and a squeeze of simple syrup. Add ice and a fresh rosemary sprig, and the result is a tart, refreshing cocktail perfect for the holiday season. Related Articles Restaurants Food and Drink | Pie crust 101: How tos from longtime instructor Restaurants Food and Drink | Tips for Thanksgiving turkey-roasting success Restaurants Food and Drink | Beer pairings for your holiday feasts Restaurants Food and Drink | Make these Tahini-Roasted Sweet Potatoes for Thanksgiving Restaurants Food and Drink | How to eat great food in New Orleans without going broke For centuries, cranberry sauce has been a staple on the American Thanksgiving table. While it continues to be viewed as a traditional holiday dish by most Americans, an emerging trend shows chefs, food bloggers and home cooks finding new ways to incorporate cranberry sauce into various recipes throughout the year. Cranberry sauce may never steal the spotlight during Thanksgiving dinner, where traditional dishes like mashed potatoes, buttery rolls and pies often take center stage. However, its creative uses can elevate it as a standout ingredient in the days that follow. As Thanksgiving cleanup commences and a bowl of leftover sauce remains, there is no need to worry. This underdog simply requires a bit of creativity to shine. Michelle Goth is a professionally trained cook and cookbook author dedicated to celebrating Midwestern cooking traditions. She shares easy recipes for family dinners and holidays at Blackberry Babe .
sg777 city login register
z2777 flight status