Soccer-Atletico thrash Valladolid 5-0 to provisionally move to second in LaLigaAitken Spence Travels wins top German brands Sustainability Award 2024SCOTTSDALE, Ariz. — Even when Penn State quarterback Drew Allar gets some praise, it's usually a backhanded compliment. They say he's a good game manager and stays within himself, or that he doesn't try to do too much. They mention he might not be flashy, but he gives the team a chance to win. And here's the thing about Penn State since Allar stepped under center: The Nittany Lions have won games. A lot of them. Sometimes that's hard to remember considering the lukewarm reception he often gets from fans. "I get it — we have a really passionate fan base and they're a huge part of our success," Allar said Sunday at College Football Playoff quarterfinals media day. "For us, we always want to go out there every drive and end with a touchdown, so when we don't do that, there's nobody more frustrated than us." The polarizing Allar is having a solid season by just about any standard, completing more than 68% of his passes for 3,021 yards, 21 touchdowns and seven interceptions while leading the sixth-seeded Nittany Lions to a 12-2 record and a spot in the Fiesta Bowl for Tuesday's game against No. 3 seed Boise State. But in a college football world filled with high-scoring, explosive offenses, Allar's no-frills performances often are the object of ire. The Penn State offense is a run-first bunch, led by the talented combo of Nicholas Singleton and Kaytron Allen. "If we had a nickel for every time there was a Monday morning quarterback saying some BS stuff, we'd all be pretty rich," offensive coordinator Andy Kotelnicki said. "I think part of being a quarterback, especially at Penn State but really anywhere, is how you respond to and manage criticism." The 20-year-old Allar has made strides in that department after a trying 2023 season that finished with a 10-3 record. He says that's largely because once fall camp started back in August, he logged off the social media platform X. Allar said negative online experiences wore on him last year, and his phone number was leaked a few times, which added to the stress. He finally realized that controlling outside narratives was impossible, so the best course of action was to eliminate a needless distraction. "I've been more mentally free, as much as that sounds crazy," Allar said. "I think that's been a huge difference for me this year." The biggest criticism of Allar — and really Penn State as a whole during the 11-year James Franklin era — is that he isn't capable of winning the big games. He's 0-2 against rival Ohio State and threw a late interception against Oregon in the Big Ten title game earlier this month, which sealed the Ducks' 45-37 victory. He wasn't great in the CFP's first round, either, completing just 13 of 22 passes for 127 yards as Penn State muscled past SMU 38-10 on a cold, blustery day to advance to the Fiesta Bowl. But the quarterback is confident a better performance — aided by a game that will be played in comfortable temperatures in a domed stadium — is coming. "For me, I just have to execute those (easy) throws early in the game and get our guys into rhythm," Allar said. "Get them involved early as much as I can and that allows us to stay on the field longer, call more plays and open up our offense more. That will help us a ton, building the momentum throughout the game." Allar might be a favorite punching bag for a section of the Penn State fan base, but that's not the case in his own locker room. Star tight end Tyler Warren praised his quarterback's ability to avoid sacks, saying that the 6-foot-5, 238-pounder brings a toughness that resonates with teammates. "He's a football player," Warren said. "He plays quarterback, but when you watch him play and the energy he brings and the way he runs the ball, he's just a football player and that fires up our offense." Now Allar and Penn State have a chance to silence critics who say that the Nittany Lions don't show up in big games. Not that he's worried about what other people think. "I think it's a skill at the end of the day — blocking out the outside noise," Allar said. "Focusing on you and the process and being honest with yourself, both good and bad."
Road-weary Jets aim to keep division lead vs. resilient StarsAneesah Morrow had 20 points and 18 rebounds as No. 6 LSU rallied to an 83-61 victory over Albany.
By JOSH BOAK WASHINGTON (AP) — Donald Trump loved to use tariffs on foreign goods during his first presidency. But their impact was barely noticeable in the overall economy, even if their aftershocks were clear in specific industries. The data show they never fully delivered on his promised factory jobs. Nor did they provoke the avalanche of inflation that critics feared. This time, though, his tariff threats might be different . The president-elect is talking about going much bigger — on a potential scale that creates more uncertainty about whether he’ll do what he says and what the consequences could be. “There’s going to be a lot more tariffs, I mean, he’s pretty clear,” said Michael Stumo, the CEO of Coalition for a Prosperous America, a group that has supported import taxes to help domestic manufacturing. The president-elect posted on social media Monday that on his first day in office he would impose 25% tariffs on all goods imported from Mexico and Canada until those countries satisfactorily stop illegal immigration and the flow of illegal drugs such as fentanyl into the United States. Those tariffs could essentially blow up the North American trade pact that Trump’s team negotiated during his initial term. Chinese imports would face additional tariffs of 10% until Beijing cracks down on the production of materials used in making fentanyl, Trump posted. Business groups were quick to warn about rapidly escalating inflation , while Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum said she would counter the move with tariffs on U.S. products. House Democrats put together legislation to strip a president’s ability to unilaterally apply tariffs this drastic, warning that they would likely lead to higher prices for autos, shoes, housing and groceries. Sheinbaum said Wednesday that her administration is already working up a list of possible retaliatory tariffs “if the situation comes to that.” “The economy department is preparing it,” Sheinbaum said. “If there are tariffs, Mexico would increase tariffs, it is a technical task about what would also benefit Mexico,” she said, suggesting her country would impose targeted import duties on U.S. goods in sensitive areas. House Democrats on Tuesday introduced a bill that would require congressional approval for a president to impose tariffs due to claims of a national emergency, a largely symbolic action given Republicans’ coming control of both the House and Senate. “This legislation would enable Congress to limit this sweeping emergency authority and put in place the necessary Congressional oversight before any president – Democrat or Republican – could indiscriminately raise costs on the American people through tariffs,” said Rep. Suzan DelBene, D-Wash. But for Trump, tariffs are now a tested tool that seems less politically controversial even if the mandate he received in November’s election largely involved restraining inflation. The tariffs he imposed on China in his first term were continued by President Joe Biden, a Democrat who even expanded tariffs and restrictions on the world’s second largest economy. Biden administration officials looked at removing Trump’s tariffs in order to bring down inflationary pressures, only to find they were unlikely to help significantly. Tariffs were “so new and unique that it freaked everybody out in 2017,” said Stumo, but they were ultimately somewhat modest. Trump imposed tariffs on solar panels and washing machines at the start of 2018, moves that might have pushed up prices in those sectors even though they also overlapped with plans to open washing machine plants in Tennessee and South Carolina. His administration also levied tariffs on steel and aluminum, including against allies. He then increased tariffs on China, leading to a trade conflict and a limited 2020 agreement that failed to produce the promised Chinese purchases of U.S. goods. Still, the dispute changed relations with China as more U.S. companies looked for alternative suppliers in other countries. Economic research also found the United States may have sacrificed some of its “soft power” as the Chinese population began to watch fewer American movies. The Federal Reserve kept inflation roughly on target, but factory construction spending never jumped in a way that suggested a lasting gain in manufacturing jobs. Separate economic research found the tariff war with China did nothing economically for the communities hurt by offshoring, but it did help Trump and Republicans in those communities politically. When Trump first became president in 2017, the federal government collected $34.6 billion in customs, duties and fees. That sum more than doubled under Trump to $70.8 billion in 2019, according to Office of Management and Budget records. While that sum might seem meaningful, it was relatively small compared to the overall economy. America’s gross domestic product is now $29.3 trillion, according to the Bureau of Economic Analysis. The total tariffs collected in the United States would equal less than 0.3% of GDP. The new tariffs being floated by Trump now are dramatically larger and there could be far more significant impacts. If Mexico, Canada, and China faced the additional tariffs proposed by Trump on all goods imported to the United States, that could be roughly equal to $266 billion in tax collections, a number that does not assume any disruptions in trade or retaliatory moves by other countries. The cost of those taxes would likely be borne by U.S. families, importers and domestic and foreign companies in the form of higher prices or lower profits. Former Biden administration officials said they worried that companies could piggyback on Trump’s tariffs — if they’re imposed — as a rationale to raise their prices, just as many companies after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022 boosted food and energy costs and gave several major companies the space to raise prices, according to their own earnings calls with investors. But what Trump didn’t really spell out is what might cause him to back down on tariffs and declare a victory. What he is creating instead with his tariff threats is a sense of uncertainty as companies and countries await the details to figure out what all of this could mean. “We know the key economic policy priorities of the incoming Trump administration, but we don’t know how or when they will be addressed,” said Greg Daco, chief U.S. economist at EY-Parthenon. AP writer Mark Stevenson contributed to this report from Mexico City.David L. Schubert, 82
By JOSH BOAK WASHINGTON (AP) — Donald Trump loved to use tariffs on foreign goods during his first presidency. But their impact was barely noticeable in the overall economy, even if their aftershocks were clear in specific industries. The data show they never fully delivered on his promised factory jobs. Nor did they provoke the avalanche of inflation that critics feared. This time, though, his tariff threats might be different . The president-elect is talking about going much bigger — on a potential scale that creates more uncertainty about whether he’ll do what he says and what the consequences could be. “There’s going to be a lot more tariffs, I mean, he’s pretty clear,” said Michael Stumo, the CEO of Coalition for a Prosperous America, a group that has supported import taxes to help domestic manufacturing. The president-elect posted on social media Monday that on his first day in office he would impose 25% tariffs on all goods imported from Mexico and Canada until those countries satisfactorily stop illegal immigration and the flow of illegal drugs such as fentanyl into the United States. Those tariffs could essentially blow up the North American trade pact that Trump’s team negotiated during his initial term. Chinese imports would face additional tariffs of 10% until Beijing cracks down on the production of materials used in making fentanyl, Trump posted. Business groups were quick to warn about rapidly escalating inflation , while Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum said she would counter the move with tariffs on U.S. products. House Democrats put together legislation to strip a president’s ability to unilaterally apply tariffs this drastic, warning that they would likely lead to higher prices for autos, shoes, housing and groceries. Sheinbaum said Wednesday that her administration is already working up a list of possible retaliatory tariffs “if the situation comes to that.” “The economy department is preparing it,” Sheinbaum said. “If there are tariffs, Mexico would increase tariffs, it is a technical task about what would also benefit Mexico,” she said, suggesting her country would impose targeted import duties on U.S. goods in sensitive areas. Related Articles House Democrats on Tuesday introduced a bill that would require congressional approval for a president to impose tariffs due to claims of a national emergency, a largely symbolic action given Republicans’ coming control of both the House and Senate. “This legislation would enable Congress to limit this sweeping emergency authority and put in place the necessary Congressional oversight before any president – Democrat or Republican – could indiscriminately raise costs on the American people through tariffs,” said Rep. Suzan DelBene, D-Wash. But for Trump, tariffs are now a tested tool that seems less politically controversial even if the mandate he received in November’s election largely involved restraining inflation. The tariffs he imposed on China in his first term were continued by President Joe Biden, a Democrat who even expanded tariffs and restrictions on the world’s second largest economy. Biden administration officials looked at removing Trump’s tariffs in order to bring down inflationary pressures, only to find they were unlikely to help significantly. Tariffs were “so new and unique that it freaked everybody out in 2017,” said Stumo, but they were ultimately somewhat modest. Trump imposed tariffs on solar panels and washing machines at the start of 2018, moves that might have pushed up prices in those sectors even though they also overlapped with plans to open washing machine plants in Tennessee and South Carolina. His administration also levied tariffs on steel and aluminum, including against allies. He then increased tariffs on China, leading to a trade conflict and a limited 2020 agreement that failed to produce the promised Chinese purchases of U.S. goods. Still, the dispute changed relations with China as more U.S. companies looked for alternative suppliers in other countries. Economic research also found the United States may have sacrificed some of its “soft power” as the Chinese population began to watch fewer American movies. The Federal Reserve kept inflation roughly on target, but factory construction spending never jumped in a way that suggested a lasting gain in manufacturing jobs. Separate economic research found the tariff war with China did nothing economically for the communities hurt by offshoring, but it did help Trump and Republicans in those communities politically. When Trump first became president in 2017, the federal government collected $34.6 billion in customs, duties and fees. That sum more than doubled under Trump to $70.8 billion in 2019, according to Office of Management and Budget records. While that sum might seem meaningful, it was relatively small compared to the overall economy. America’s gross domestic product is now $29.3 trillion, according to the Bureau of Economic Analysis. The total tariffs collected in the United States would equal less than 0.3% of GDP. The new tariffs being floated by Trump now are dramatically larger and there could be far more significant impacts. If Mexico, Canada, and China faced the additional tariffs proposed by Trump on all goods imported to the United States, that could be roughly equal to $266 billion in tax collections, a number that does not assume any disruptions in trade or retaliatory moves by other countries. The cost of those taxes would likely be borne by U.S. families, importers and domestic and foreign companies in the form of higher prices or lower profits. Former Biden administration officials said they worried that companies could piggyback on Trump’s tariffs — if they’re imposed — as a rationale to raise their prices, just as many companies after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022 boosted food and energy costs and gave several major companies the space to raise prices, according to their own earnings calls with investors. But what Trump didn’t really spell out is what might cause him to back down on tariffs and declare a victory. What he is creating instead with his tariff threats is a sense of uncertainty as companies and countries await the details to figure out what all of this could mean. “We know the key economic policy priorities of the incoming Trump administration, but we don’t know how or when they will be addressed,” said Greg Daco, chief U.S. economist at EY-Parthenon. AP writer Mark Stevenson contributed to this report from Mexico City.5 big questions about how tech will look under Trump
Titans kicker Nick Folk dealing with soreness so Tennessee added insuranceAgroLiquid to Acquire Montyʼs Plant Food Company, Expanding Innovation in Agricultural Crop NutritionXiaomi 16 set to feature a game-changing periscope telephoto lens; Report
Fans of The 1% Club were left in disbelief as a staggering 15 contestants stumbled on what was deemed the "easiest ever question". In tonight's episode, a fresh batch of 100 hopefuls stepped up to the challenge of joining The 1% Club by answering a series of brain teasers, including the ultimate 1% question - all in the pursuit of prize money and membership in the elite club. Host Lee Mack kicked off the show, welcoming contestants and bracing them for the intellectual hurdles ahead. Anticipating an easy start, he delivered the first question, reports Lancs Live . Throwing the question out to the contenders, host Lee asked: "What food is represented here? " as a thermometer paired with a fluffy white dog appeared before the participants. He playfully clarified, "To clarify that is not a sheep, that is a thermometer." When time ran out, he announced: "Right let's see how many people are still in the game and how many people are out," only to discover in surprising fashion that 15 individuals had got it wrong. Lee expressed his astonishment openly, commenting: "15! You've got to be kidding me! I said to the producer, we can't have this question because no one will get this wrong." Viewers were just as astounded to see the incorrect answers, with social media commentary quickly highlighting their shock. One viewer posted: "How do you get that wrong? #The1PercentClub," while another chimed in with: "To the 15 of you that just got that last question wrong... #The1PercentClub." A third wrote: ""I'm still curious about what other answers were given to the Hot Dog question. #The1PercentClub," whilst a fourth added: "#The1PercentClub 15 people out on this? Where are they getting the contestants from?" A fifth penned: "How did 15 people manage to get that question wrong? ! ? #The1PercentClub." In an intense conclusion to tonight's show, the final contender, Connor, tackled the 1 Percent question. Having reached the final part of the game, he had already secured £10,000. Yet, Connor boldly rejected the guaranteed sum and took a gamble on the £97,000 prize. In a dramatic turn of events, his answer was incorrect, resulting in him leaving the competition empty-handed. *The 1 Percent Club airs on ITV1 and ITVX.SCOTTSDALE, Ariz. — Even when Penn State quarterback Drew Allar gets some praise, it's usually a backhanded compliment. They say he's a good game manager and stays within himself, or that he doesn't try to do too much. They mention he might not be flashy, but he gives the team a chance to win. And here's the thing about Penn State since Allar stepped under center: The Nittany Lions have won games. A lot of them. Sometimes that's hard to remember considering the lukewarm reception he often gets from fans. "I get it — we have a really passionate fan base and they're a huge part of our success," Allar said Sunday at College Football Playoff quarterfinals media day. "For us, we always want to go out there every drive and end with a touchdown, so when we don't do that, there's nobody more frustrated than us." The polarizing Allar is having a solid season by just about any standard, completing more than 68% of his passes for 3,021 yards, 21 touchdowns and seven interceptions while leading the sixth-seeded Nittany Lions to a 12-2 record and a spot in the Fiesta Bowl for Tuesday's game against No. 3 seed Boise State. But in a college football world filled with high-scoring, explosive offenses, Allar's no-frills performances often are the object of ire. The Penn State offense is a run-first bunch, led by the talented combo of Nicholas Singleton and Kaytron Allen. "If we had a nickel for every time there was a Monday morning quarterback saying some BS stuff, we'd all be pretty rich," offensive coordinator Andy Kotelnicki said. "I think part of being a quarterback, especially at Penn State but really anywhere, is how you respond to and manage criticism." The 20-year-old Allar has made strides in that department after a trying 2023 season that finished with a 10-3 record. He says that's largely because once fall camp started back in August, he logged off the social media platform X. Allar said negative online experiences wore on him last year, and his phone number was leaked a few times, which added to the stress. He finally realized that controlling outside narratives was impossible, so the best course of action was to eliminate a needless distraction. "I've been more mentally free, as much as that sounds crazy," Allar said. "I think that's been a huge difference for me this year." The biggest criticism of Allar — and really Penn State as a whole during the 11-year James Franklin era — is that he isn't capable of winning the big games. He's 0-2 against rival Ohio State and threw a late interception against Oregon in the Big Ten title game earlier this month, which sealed the Ducks' 45-37 victory. He wasn't great in the CFP's first round, either, completing just 13 of 22 passes for 127 yards as Penn State muscled past SMU 38-10 on a cold, blustery day to advance to the Fiesta Bowl. But the quarterback is confident a better performance — aided by a game that will be played in comfortable temperatures in a domed stadium — is coming. "For me, I just have to execute those (easy) throws early in the game and get our guys into rhythm," Allar said. "Get them involved early as much as I can and that allows us to stay on the field longer, call more plays and open up our offense more. That will help us a ton, building the momentum throughout the game." Allar might be a favorite punching bag for a section of the Penn State fan base, but that's not the case in his own locker room. Star tight end Tyler Warren praised his quarterback's ability to avoid sacks, saying that the 6-foot-5, 238-pounder brings a toughness that resonates with teammates. "He's a football player," Warren said. "He plays quarterback, but when you watch him play and the energy he brings and the way he runs the ball, he's just a football player and that fires up our offense." Now Allar and Penn State have a chance to silence critics who say that the Nittany Lions don't show up in big games. Not that he's worried about what other people think. "I think it's a skill at the end of the day — blocking out the outside noise," Allar said. "Focusing on you and the process and being honest with yourself, both good and bad."
BATON ROUGE, La. (AP) — Aneesah Morrow had 20 points and 18 rebounds as No. 6 LSU rallied to an 83-61 victory over Albany on Sunday. Mikaylah Williams added 18 points, Flau’Jae Johnson had 15 points and nine rebounds for the Tigers (15-0), who tied their second-best start in school history. Morrow had a double-double – 10 points and 10 rebounds – in LSU’s 25-2 game-closing run. Albany missed its last 11 shots, failing to hit a field goal in the game’s final 8:42. Kaci Donovan scored 15 of her team-high 17 points for UAlbany (10-3). Lilly Phillips and Kayla Cooper had 14 each. Albany: The Great Danes, concerned that almost 30 of LSU’s 93.3 points per game came off fast breaks, conceded getting offensive rebounds in favor of quickly dropping back on defense. In the first half when Albany led 38-34 at the break, it had just one offensive rebound, but only allowed seven fast break points. LSU: Against the three best teams the Tigers have faced so far – a one-loss Washington and Stanford and a two-loss Albany – they have trailed at the end of the first quarter and halftime. LSU had six turnovers in its first 12 possessions against Albany followed by the Great Danes hitting their last 5 of 7 field goals in the first quarter for a 25-16 lead. Williams and Morrow produced steals that turned into their assists to Johnson for a pair of fastbreak layups to start a 25-2 run in the game’s final 7:41 that took the Tigers from a 1-point deficit to the 22-point victory. LSU won despite hitting just 1 of its 13 3-point attempts. Albany opens America East Conference play at home on Thursday vs. Vermont. LSU’s SEC opener is Thursday at Arkansas. Get poll alerts and updates on the AP Top 25 throughout the season. Sign up here. AP women’s college basketball: https://apnews.com/hub/ap-top-25-womens-college-basketball-poll and https://apnews.com/hub/womens-college-basketballWorld champions South Africa hammered Wales 45-12 in Cardiff on Saturday to condemn Warren Gatland's team to a 12th consecutive Test defeat and a winless calendar year for the first time since 1937. The Springboks were dominant throughout at the Principality Stadium, scoring seven tries to two in a relentless display that matched attacking accuracy with defensive brutality and set-piece mastery. The result meant the Boks, who wrapped up the Rugby Championship title this year, finish their season with 11 victories from 13 Tests, having used a whopping 52 players and scoring 57 tries. "The first two games we weren't happy, there was so much we could have done better," Springbok captain Siya Kolisi told TNT Sports of opening November victories over Scotland and England. "Results are important but it's how you do things." It was also the first time South Africa have won all their matches on their November tour since 2013 and means they will see in 2025 as World Rugby's number one ranked country. The Boks' sole losses were one-point defeats by Argentina and Ireland, a record of which Gatland and his backroom staff could only dream. Wales' last victory came over pool opponents Georgia in October 2023 at the Rugby World Cup, with Gatland having to blood a raft of inexperienced players after a host of seniors hung up their boots. The pre-match entertainment included choirs singing "Yma O Hyd", the Dafydd Iwan folk song that has become the go-to song for Welsh football's "Red Wall" support. Ironically, it translates into English as "Still Here", albeit in reference to Wales and the Welsh language and not Gatland per se. The Welsh Rugby Union has its AGM on Sunday where discussions are expected on the New Zealander's future. "You don't make a decision straight after a game," said Gatland. "Let's just see what happens over the next few days." Wales captain Dewi Lake told TNT Sports his side had showed "a lot of heart and character". "They are double world champions, that's not for no reason," he said. "We have to keep the faith, the second we lose our faith in ourselves then it's pointless us stepping on the field, we can definitely see a light at the end of the tunnel." The scene was set within the opening eight frantic minutes in the Welsh capital as the visiting lock pair of Franco Mostert and Eben Etzebeth each crossed for a try after deft attacking lead-up play by Kurt-Lee Arendse on both occasions. Kolisi was held up over the line by James Botham, but the Boks fired back to the Welsh line and Arendse got his just rewards for his strong start, stepping inside Blair Murray's attempted tackle with ease. Jordan Hendrikse converted two of the three tries to make it 19-0 after the opening quarter. Murray did well to hold up Aphelele Fassi over the line and Kolisi had a try disallowed, but the toll on Wales was beginning to show. How long could their defence hold out? Not long as the Boks promptly pushed Wales off their own ball at scrum time and flanker Elrigh Louw barged over for the visitors' fourth five-pointer after a quick tap penalty by Jasper Wiese. A rare Welsh incursion into the opposition half saw the home side, wearing white to avoid a colour-blindness clash with the green of South Africa, go for an attacking line-out, but the Boks repelled two 12-man mauls. The ball was eventually moved wide and Welsh winger Rio Dyer showed a brilliant flash of raw pace to scorch the defence for a fine individual try. Sam Costelow missed the conversion to leave the score 26-5 at half-time. Fassi crossed for South Africa's fifth try after the outstanding Arendse split the Welsh line early in the second period. A raft of replacements for both sides gave Wales a degree of respite, but it was not long before Gerhard Steenkamp was driven over from short range. Things turned scrappy and the 67,236-strong crowd turned attention away from the action and Welsh hymns to foot-stomping Mexican waves, always a sure sign the game was well and over as a contest. Hendrikse crossed for the Boks' seventh try and converted for a personal game tally of 15 points before a Botham consolation try converted by Ben Thomas. In other Test action, New Zealand saw off Italy 29-11 in their final match of the year as Sam Cane was given a winning farewell to international rugby in Turin. Cam Roigard, Will Jordan, Mark Tele'a and Beauden Barrett scored the tries as the All Blacks beat Italy for the 18th consecutive time, with fly-half Barrett kicking the rest visitors' points. Cane closed out his Test career with 104 caps, and T-J Perenara also played his final All Blacks match as a second half substitute. (AFP)
CROWN ROYAL JOINS FORCES WITH NATE SMITH AND SCOTTY HASTING TO SUPPORT VETERANS AS THE AWARD-WINNING WHISKY DONATES $50,000 TO CREATIVETS ON COUNTRY MUSIC'S BIGGEST NIGHTOprah Winfrey’s hypocrisy and Robert De Niro’s suggestion that he might to leave the United States are reminders that, at the end of the day, celebrities are just people — with no greater understanding of the political landscape than anyone else. Their declarations of doom and gloom have become background noise in a country that is tired of being talked down to. For years, celebrities have wielded their platforms like megaphones, hoping to sway voters and shape public opinion. Yet, despite their drama and declarations, their political star power appears to be waning. Take Oprah Winfrey, for example, who found herself embroiled in controversy after it was revealed her organization accepted a significant amount of money to conduct a townhall with Vice President Kamala Harris. But now, critics are left asking: Did Oprah’s endorsement even move the needle for voters? Was there anyone genuinely on the fence about Harris who decided, “You know what, if Oprah’s on board, I’m in”? The fallout from this has only further eroded trust in celebrity endorsements. Then there are the celebrity escape plans. Robert De Niro, for example, suggested in 2016 he might leave the United States if Trump won. But what is truly laughable is the hypocrisy of the countless celebrities who back in 2016 shouted: “If Trump wins, I’m out of here!” Cher and others were loud and proud about their disdain for a Trump presidency. Yet, when the moment came, they stayed put — clinging to their mansions in the United States rather than booking flights to Canada. It begs the question: Why the double standard? If America under Trump is as terrible as they claim, why not leave? Or is it that, deep down, they know there is no better place to live than the United States? Celebrities threatening to leave the country have become as predictable as award-show standing ovations. These threats serve less as genuine convictions and more as performative gestures meant to energize their social media followings. Yet, the average American sees right through it. For most working-class voters, celebrity complaints ring hollow when they come from people who enjoy wealth and freedom. The idea that Robert De Niro, who became famous portraying gritty, tough-as-nails characters, feels so aggrieved by election outcomes that he might move abroad is almost comical. Moreover, the notion that these stars believe their opinions hold more weight than the average American’s is a glaring example of Hollywood’s elitism. Their proclamations of moral superiority may resonate in the echo chambers of coastal cities, but for the rest of the country, it is just noise. And here is the kicker: President-elect Donald Trump now has more followers on X than Taylor Swift, one of the biggest pop stars on the planet. The fact that Trump has outpaced the ultimate celebrity in social media influence shows that America is not as enamored with Hollywood elites as it once was. A larger question looms: Do celebrity endorsements even matter in politics anymore? Vice President Kamala Harris’ campaign surely thought so when it brought in Oprah, but the results suggest otherwise. Harris’ historic unpopularity has not been bolstered by celebrity star power. In fact, it could be argued that Hollywood endorsements hurt more than they help. Many Americans see them as out of touch, self-serving or even condescending. After all, why should a multimillionaire actor or singer have any more influence over an election than a small business owner in Ohio or a teacher in Texas? As Trump’s return to the White House sends shockwaves through the liberal establishment, perhaps it is time for Hollywood to take a hard look in the mirror. Their star power no longer carries the political weight it once did. Americans are increasingly skeptical of those who claim to speak for the “common man” while living in gated communities and vacationing in the South of France. The truth is, America is not perfect, but it is far from the dystopian nightmare Hollywood claims it will become under conservative leadership. And maybe, just maybe, it is time for these celebrities to stick to what they do best — entertaining — and leave the politics to the people. Bob Rubin is the Founder and President of Rubin Wealth Advisors. Learn more about him by visiting www.rubinwa.com . The views and opinions expressed in this commentary are those of the author and do not reflect the official position of the Daily Caller News Foundation. All content created by the Daily Caller News Foundation, an independent and nonpartisan newswire service, is available without charge to any legitimate news publisher that can provide a large audience. All republished articles must include our logo, our reporter’s byline and their DCNF affiliation. For any questions about our guidelines or partnering with us, please contact licensing@dailycallernewsfoundation.org .
Allar puts critics on mute, keeps winning for Penn StatePens, Habs going in opposite directions ahead of matchup