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In exchange for helping Donald Trump get re-elected by spending $130mn on Trump’s and down-ballot Republicans’ campaigns, and turning X (formerly Twitter) into his messaging machine, Elon Musk earned himself the opportunity to co-lead (along with Vivek Ramaswamy, another major donor) a new “Department of Government Efficiency”. Named after a joke cryptocurrency, DOGE will not be an official agency. But though its role will be purely advisory, Trump has promised to enact its recommendations to slash excess regulations, restructure federal agencies, and cut wasteful expenditures, all with an eye on efficiency. Federal law requires that any government advisory committee provide public notice of its meetings (including agenda, time, place, and purpose) and access to any reports, transcripts, minutes, papers, agendas, or other documents relating to its work. But DOGE may well violate these requirements on the grounds that they unconstitutionally infringe on presidential power. As with his other appointments, Trump will not bother vetting Musk and Ramaswamy thoroughly, nor will he require them to divest their corporate holdings or recuse themselves from offering recommendations on issues raising an obvious conflict of interest (such as with Nasa’s extensive purchases of services from Musk’s SpaceX). To the extent that DOGE eviscerates regulations, it promises to be a powerful vehicle for “crony capitalism.” Its recommendations will have little to do with improving government efficiency or cutting costs, and everything to do with killing regulations and agencies that powerful donors and business lobbyists want dead. Fortunately, DOGE will fail, because it is focusing on the wrong targets, with the wrong approach, and the wrong leadership. Musk initially promised to cut federal government spending by $2tn, which is nearly one-third of all projected spending for 2025. Having quickly realised how absurd that target was, he has since reduced it by 75%, to $500bn. Defence, Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, the Affordable Care Act (“Obamacare”), and interest payments on US government debt together account for 74% of total federal spending. Moreover, defence spending will likely increase under Trump, spending on interest payments is essential to avoid default on the federal government’s debt, and spending on Social Security, Medicare, and Obamacare is legally required and overwhelmingly supported by the voters who helped re-elect Trump. The remaining 26% of federal spending covers all other functions of the federal government – from defence discretionary programmes like veterans’ health (12%) to essential non-defence programmes (14%) such as the federal highway system, air traffic control, and the judicial system. While all funds for discretionary programmes must be authorised by Congress, the new $500bn target would encompass both programmes whose congressional authorisation runs out in 2024 and those that Musk considers to be incompatible with original Congressional intentions. But veterans’ health care is the largest single function ($119bn) for which congressional authorisation ends in 2024, and despite Trump’s contempt for the military, it is difficult to imagine DOGE going after veterans’ healthcare. Instead, DOGE has already indicated that it will cut funding for Planned Parenthood and other progressive groups ($300mn per year), the Corporation for Public Broadcasting ($535mn a year), and various international organisations ($1.5bn a year). It may also go after bigger discretionary items like the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration ($6.6bn), which is responsible for the nation’s weather forecasts; the Federal Aviation Administration ($7bn), which regulates civil aviation safety; many agencies within the State Department ($38bn); and the Education Department ($29bn). But Nasa ($25.4bn), for obvious reasons, will be spared. The problem with this defunding agenda is that it still comes nowhere close to $500bn. If DOGE wanted to try to contribute something positive, it would abandon this target and focus instead on improving the efficiency of the agencies responsible for government programmes, and on eliminating regulations that do not pass a rigorous cost/benefit test. But this has been tried many times before, and usually without much success. President Ronald Reagan’s Private Sector Survey on Cost Control, known as the Grace Commission, for example, claimed that one-third of all income-tax revenues were consumed by waste and inefficiency – a wild overstatement. Very few of the commission’s 2,500 recommendations were implemented, and the combination of Reagan’s tax cuts and a growing federal government launched the national debt on its long upward trajectory. Similar efforts dating back to president Harry Truman’s Hoover Commission have also been judged “abject failures.” Most flounder because of a fundamental flaw in their design. Led by business leaders who don’t understand how government works, such bodies tend to produce laundry lists of unvetted ideas but have no capacity to carry them out. Implementation remains the responsibility of the relevant agencies and Congress, which legislates and funds federal programmes. Vice-president Al Gore’s National Partnership for Reinventing Government in the early 1990s avoided this design flaw. Housed within the Clinton administration, it was overseen by a cadre of government reformers who succeeded in passing actual legislation: the Government Performance and Results Act of 1993, which aimed to embed performance metrics in the federal government’s standard operating procedures. Musk and Ramaswamy, by contrast, are merely the latest in a long line of private-sector poster children whose business-management approaches to government operations will fail. Fewer than one-quarter of all government reform programmes succeed, and those that do have two distinguishing characteristics in common: public-sector employees design the reforms and then use digital tools to measure and improve performance. Unfortunately, Congress does not provide enough funding for agencies to get the tools they need. That is why the Internal Revenue Service has been unable to collect an estimated $1tn of annual revenues from tax evaders and cheaters. Through no fault of their own, most federal government agencies remain far behind the private sector in the digitisation of their services. Moving fast and breaking things does not work in government (or in most large private-sector organisations, for that matter). If Musk and Ramaswamy want to achieve meaningful, lasting improvements in government efficiency, they will have to collaborate with civil servants to change the ways their work gets done. Success depends on the unsexy, hard-to-implement changes in operational processes that can be embedded in government departments. Outcome-based procurement, modern talent management (including government rotation programmes for private-sector leaders), agile information-technology management, data and performance transparency, modern digital tools, and citizen engagement are crucial if we want to improve government performance. DOGE will produce entertaining memes and photo ops for Musk and X, but it will have little tangible, lasting impact on the size and efficiency of the federal government. — Project Syndicate • Laura Tyson, a former chair of the President’s Council of Economic Advisers during the Clinton administration, is a professor at the Haas School of Business at the University of California, Berkeley, and a member of the Board of Advisers at Angeleno Group. • Lenny Mendonca, Senior Partner Emeritus at McKinsey & Company, is a former chief economic and business adviser to Governor Gavin Newsom of California and chair of the California High-Speed Rail Authority. 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SEATTLE (AP) — The Seattle Seahawks rode their dominant defense to a big win over a division rival to vault into first place in the NFC West. No, it isn’t 2013. These are the 2024 Seahawks, who, after struggling mightily against the run earlier this season, held the visiting Arizona Cardinals to 49 rushing yards in Sunday's 16-6 victory . Javascript is required for you to be able to read premium content. Please enable it in your browser settings. Get updates and player profiles ahead of Friday's high school games, plus a recap Saturday with stories, photos, video Frequency: Seasonal Twice a week
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Morgan Rogers looked to have given Unai Emery’s side another famous win when he slammed a loose ball home at the death, but referee Jesus Gil Manzano ruled Diego Carlos to have fouled Juve goalkeeper Michele Di Gregorio and the goal was chalked off. It was a disappointment for Villa, who remain unbeaten at home in their debut Champions League campaign and are still in contention to qualify automatically for the last 16. A very controversial finish at Villa Park 😲 Morgan Rogers' late goal is ruled out for a foul on Juventus goalkeeper Michele Di Gregorio and the match ends 0-0 ❌ 📺 @tntsports & @discoveryplusUK pic.twitter.com/MyYL5Vdy3r — Football on TNT Sports (@footballontnt) November 27, 2024 Emiliano Martinez had earlier displayed why he was named the best goalkeeper in the world as his wonder save kept his side level in the second half. The Argentina international paraded his two Yashin Trophies on the pitch before kick-off at Villa Park and then showed why he won back-to-back FIFA awards when he denied Francisco Conceicao. Before Rogers’ moment of drama in the fourth minute of added time, the closest Villa came to scoring was in the first half when Lucas Digne’s free-kick hit the crossbar. But a draw was a fair result which leaves Villa out of the top eight on goal difference and Juventus down in 19th. Before the game Emery called Juventus one of the “best teams in the world, historically and now”, but this was an Italian side down to the bare bones. Only 14 outfield players made the trip from Turin, with striker Dusan Vlahovic among those who stayed behind. The opening 30 minutes were forgettable before the game opened up. Ollie Watkins, still chasing his first Champions League goal, had Villa’s first presentable chance as he lashed an effort straight at Di Gregorio. Matty Cash then had a vicious effort from the resulting corner which was blocked by Federico Gatti and started a counter-attack which ended in Juventus striker Timothy Weah. Villa came closest to breaking the deadlock at the end of the first half when Digne’s 20-yard free-kick clipped the top of the crossbar and went over. Martinez then produced his brilliant save just after the hour. A corner made its way through to the far post where Conceicao was primed to head in at the far post, but Martinez sprawled himself across goal to scoop the ball away. How has he kept that one out?! 🤯 Emi Martinez with an INCREDIBLE save to keep it goalless at Villa Park ⛔️ 📺 @tntsports & @discoveryplusUK pic.twitter.com/OkcWHB7YIk — Football on TNT Sports (@footballontnt) November 27, 2024 Replays showed most of the ball went over the line, but the Argentinian got there with millimetres to spare. At the other end another fine goal-line block denied John McGinn as Manuel Locatelli got his foot in the way with Di Gregorio beaten. The game looked to be petering out until a last-gasp free-kick saw Rogers slam home, but whistle-happy official Gil Manzano halted the celebrations by ruling the goal out.
