it seems, is to live in disbelief. Even as I watched the news unfold overnight on Saturday and into Sunday morning that rebels had entered Damascus, Syria’s capital, and that long-time dictator Bashar al-Assad had fled the country, even as I learned Sunday morning that he’d officially resigned, and even as family members sent congratulatory messages, I didn’t know how to accept that the regime had finally fallen. It was a familiar sort of disbelief. Fourteen years ago, as the Arab Spring uprisings tore through North Africa and the Middle East, toppling governments in Tunisia and Egypt, I couldn’t imagine that protests would erupt in Syria. I remember my shock the moment I learned that demonstrators had taken to the streets there. I was living in Ottawa at the time, and a few weeks after the protests began, in March 2011, I flew to Damascus for my older brother’s engagement party. But the festivities were muted and held at home. It wouldn’t have looked good to be seen celebrating any occasion when Assad’s power was being so publicly challenged. On March 30 that year, Assad gave a speech to parliament—his first since protests had broken out—in which he invoked conspiracy theories, blaming outside agitators for stirring up unrest; he also promised that reforms would be introduced in time. I remember my older brother saying that, after listening to the speech, he felt as though a giant bubble had burst. I realized then that there had been an infinitesimal moment in which we’d dared to hope that things might actually change for the better—and it was over. Assad’s military forces went on to crush the protests with stunning brutality, killing and imprisoning hundreds of thousands of people and bringing the country to ruin, with help from Russia, Iran, and the militant group Hezbollah. But Syria had been suffering well before 2011. For the half century that Bashar al-Assad and his father, Hafez, before him were in power, they did everything to cement their hold on what they seemed to view as a country that belonged solely to them. This includes a massacre, under Hafez’s rule, of an estimated tens of thousands of civilians, in the city of Hama in 1982, to quell an uprising from the Muslim Brotherhood, an Islamist opposition group. The Assads’ hold on power had a psychological dimension. Across the country, it was nearly impossible to avoid seeing giant posters and statues of the now-former president (it feels surreal to use the word “former”), his late father, and Bashar’s elder brother, who’d been groomed as Hafez’s successor before he died in a car crash in 1994. Whether displayed in schools, offices, restaurants, or public squares, the effigies sent a clear message: the Assads’ power was permanent, their influence inescapable, their status mythical. I remember once looking at a giant poster showing Bashar’s family, including his children, and thinking cynically that this was to be our introduction to his likely heirs. So to say that the Assad regime’s defeat is stunning is an understatement. I’ve had a difficult time processing the news, as much as I want to be able to rejoice. I’ve watched videos of Syrians celebrating in the streets and footage of detainees being freed from the regime’s notorious prisons, and I’ve read reports of refugees crossing the border from Lebanon to return home. On Instagram, Syrians are posting stories about waiting for Damascus airport to open again so they can fly back. On various platforms, I’m seeing posts that chastise those who express fear of what’s coming next, since to do so would imply that there was ever any benefit from having Assad in power. And yet, for me, the fear endures. The Arab Spring proved a disappointment in so many ways. In Libya, long-time dictator Muammar al-Qaddafi was overthrown and then killed after months of uprisings, but the country remains unstable. Egypt toppled then president Hosni Mubarak, but that regime was soon replaced by a government led by the Muslim Brotherhood; following a coup, there’s now a military dictatorship in place. The rebels who took down the Assad regime in Syria belong to the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), a movement with previous links to al-Qaeda, both of which Canada and other countries consider terrorist organizations. HTS’s Islamist roots have some worried, including those in the minority Christian community in Syria. I, too, worry that HTS might put in place a government that imposes Islamist rule, and I can picture countless other terrifying scenarios. I worry Syrian society won’t have a chance to properly grieve and commemorate all those murdered by the regime. One of my most persistent fears, though, is that we’ll all start to hope again—only for that hope to be torn apart once more. Some of my relatives are urging me to be optimistic. That, after years of pain, after a lifetime under Assad rule, we should take the opportunity to feel joy. And that, having seen the atrocities Assad committed, Syrians won’t let anything so extreme or horrific happen again. I called my father, who is in Montreal, on Sunday morning as we both registered the news that Assad had indeed fled Syria. I began to voice things I’d only dreamed of before: Going back to Damascus to visit family and show my little daughter the place I grew up. Visiting my late grandfather’s home and sitting in his library again. Later that day, over tea with a friend in Toronto, we pictured going back to rebuild the country that could be one of the most beautiful in the world if only its people were given a chance. While talking to my dad that morning, I asked him if I could finally write about Syria again. I’ve been under a self-imposed moratorium for years; my father occasionally travelled to Damascus to visit his mother, and I didn’t want to publish anything critical of the Assad regime that might get him into trouble while he was there. He laughed at the question. Now, he said, you can write whatever you want. My grandmother still lives in Damascus. She used to ask me when I was coming to visit her. But now, at over 100 years old, she can barely recognize me when I video-call her on WhatsApp. I wonder if she’d be able to remember me if she saw me again in person, something I didn’t think I’d get to do before she died. Despite everything, that possibility alone has sparked the tiniest glimmer of hope. One that’s so far managed to defy all of my fears.
Boston College holds on down stretch to top Fairleigh DickinsonAfter starting 2-0 in its inaugural Atlantic Coast Conference schedule, SMU looks to make the month even more special on Sunday, hosting Longwood in Dallas, Texas. The Mustangs seek a seven-game win streak in their final nonconference test before welcoming No. 4 Duke to Dallas on Jan. 4. In recent victories over Alabama State, Virginia, LSU, and Boston College, SMU (10-2) averaged 85.3 points per game, allowed just 66.0 ppg, and climbed to No. 30 in the NET rankings. "We're a different team right now than we were earlier in the season," SMU head coach Andy Enfield said at the beginning of December, his words ringing even truer as the season progresses. "They'd never been under pressure together until recently, so they're starting to learn and figure things out." Longwood (11-3) enters its third consecutive road game, having won five of its last six overall. That includes a major 82-67 win at North Carolina Central on Dec. 20. It was only the sixth nonconference home loss for NCC since 2016, and Longwood head coach Griff Aldrich saw it as a result of his team's growing cohesiveness. "We got great contributions from so many players," Aldrich said. "We have been working to play more and more connected, and this team has really taken positive steps this week." The Mustangs' Matt Cross is among the biggest threats to Longwood's defense, which allows just 66.6 points per game. A 6-foot-7 forward, Cross had 36 points over SMU's last two wins, including a 16-point, 16-rebound double-double against LSU. What Cross does with the ball in his hands is impressive -- he is averaging 13.5 ppg in December -- but it is also what he does off the ball that increases his value. "He's extremely tough," Enfield said after Cross' performance against LSU. "His wall up in transition, where (Corey) Chest came down, was going to dunk the ball, and he stood there and took the contact. ...That's a big-time basketball play." Longwood is paced by Michael Christmas, a veteran forward in his fourth year in the program. A hard-nosed wing who can score at all three levels, Christmas is Longwood's only returner who started at least 30 games on last year's NCAA Tournament team. He is averaging a team-high 11.9 points per game. "(He) loves this university, loves this town and community," Aldrich said of Christmas. "He opted to come back here to really invest in the program." --Field Level Media
They fled war in Sudan. But they haven’t been able to flee the hunger.China appears to have recently conducted the trial run of the high-speed rail, the CR450. Tipped to be the world’s fastest commercial train, the CR450 is expected to start operations in 2025. The train, which has a trial speed of 280 mph (450km/h), was reportedly on a trial run from Tianjin to Beijing. A series of videos showcasing the train surfaced on social media in November before being taken down. Train resembles an arrow when viewed from the side The train resembles an arrow when viewed from the side. Its sleek, bullet-shaped nose has slightly angular contours, while the cockpit has decorative breathing lights. Last month’s apparently leaked test video featured a train marked CR450AF-0001, while the latest images show an eight-car CR450 with its serial number covered by white tape, reported SCMP . The CR450 bullet train, China’s most recently designed high-speed train model, will be able to operate at speeds of 248 miles (400 kilometers) per hour during commercial run. The new model is significantly faster than the CR400 Fuxing high-speed trains currently in service, which operate at speeds of 350 kilometers per hour. CR450 is 12 percent lighter Compared to the CR400, the CR450 is 12 percent lighter, consumes 20 percent less energy, and has a 20 percent improved braking performance, according to China Railway. The CR450 innovation project also involves technological innovation in infrastructure, including high-speed railways, bridges and tunnels. China claims that it has built the world’s largest high-speed railway network to address the people’s growing demand for convenient and comfortable travel. The total operational length of its high-speed railway network has exceeded 27961 miles (45,000 kilometers), with Fuxing high-speed trains operating across 31 provincial-level regions nationwide, as per the data available till April 2024. Chengdu-Chongqing Central Line could be possible route Last month’s apparently leaked test video featured a train marked CR450AF-0001, while the latest images show an eight-car CR450 with its serial number covered by white tape. The body is unpainted but the Fuxing branding of China’s bullet trains is visible, highlighting that the new train builds upon the foundation of the CR400, which debuted in 2017, according to SCMP . As per the details released in September, in a single day, China’s railway network transports over 10 million passengers, making it the busiest rail system globally. These bustling services demonstrate China’s vitality, with the railway network reaching 99 percent of cities across the country, each with a population of over 200,000, and the high-speed rail network covering 96 percent of cities, each with a population surpassing 500,000. The recent videos of CR450 have fueled speculations about its possible route. Reports have suggested that the Chengdu-Chongqing Central Line could be its possible route as the Beijing-Shanghai line might require upgrades.
Farage: Badenoch must apologise for ‘crazy conspiracy theory’ on Reform numbersEastman Chemical CEO Mark Costa sells $1.9 million in stockMADRID (AP) — Getafe scored twice in three minutes midway through the second half to beat struggling Valladolid 2-0 and record only its second win in La Liga on Friday. The victory ended Getafe’s five-game winless run and lifted it into 15th place in the 20-team standings. Valladolid remained second to last. In the buildup to the match, Getafe sporting director Rubén Reyes described the game as a final but his team was lucky not to go behind as Valladolid created more of the early chances. However, the home side took control in the 69th minute when substitute Álvaro Rodríguez got the opener. Three minutes later, man of the match Allan Nyom made it 2-0. “There’s been a lot of games where we’ve run and fought but lost or drawn,” Nyom, the veteran Cameroon full back, said. “A game that reflects the effort we’ve put in in training is very welcome.” Adding to Valladolid’s woes, coach Paulo Pezzolano was sent off before halftime. The Uruguayan has the league’s worst disciplinary record, with seven yellow cards before Friday’s red. ___ AP soccer: https://apnews.com/hub/soccer The Associated Press
Many beaches along the central and northern stretches of the Peruvian coastline were closed to prevent risk to human life, local authorities said. Waves there submerged jetties and public squares, sending residents fleeing to higher ground, according to images on local media. In neighboring Ecuador, the National Secretariat for Risk Management said a body was recovered in the coastal city of Manta. "The Manta Fire Department reported that, at 6:00 am, the body of a missing person was found lifeless in the Barbasquillo sector," the agency announced on social media. Peru closed 91 of its 121 ports until January 1, the National Emergency Operations Center said on its X social media account. The municipality of Callao, close to the capital Lima and the location of the country's main port, closed several beaches and barred tourist and fishing boats from venturing out. "These waves are being generated thousands of kilometers away from Peru, off the coast of the United States," navy Captain Enrique Varea told Channel N television. "They are waves generated by a persistent wind on the surface of the ocean that is approaching our coasts," he said. Dozens of small fishing boats and businesses near the sea were affected, according to images broadcast on television and social networks. axl/rmb/nro/acbPakistan’s former spy chief and ex-army general Faiz Hameed has been indicted on a series of charges, the military said yesterday, a rare move by the powerful army, which plays an outsized role in the country’s politics. The indictment includes engaging in political activities and violating the Official Secrets Act. Hameed also faces an investigation into the attacks against military installations on May 9, 2023, the military said in a statement. Thousands of supporters of jailed former prime minister Imran Khan rampaged through scores of military installations and offices to protest against his arrest. Khan and dozens of his party leaders and supporters were last week indicted by an anti-terrorism court on charges of inciting the supporters to assault the military installations, including its headquarters in the garrison city of Rawalpindi. Khan, 72, and his associates have denied the charges. Hameed, considered to be close to Khan, who named him to head the powerful Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) agency, has been in military custody since the opening of court martial proceedings against him in August. Hameed’s indictment is a direct threat to Khan, said author and defence analyst Ayesha Siddiqa. “If the military is saying that they both are involved in May 9 violence, they are basically saying that Imran Khan could also be tried in a military court.” Other charges against Hameed include misuse of authority and government resources, the military said, adding that his “involvement in events related to creating agitation and unrest, leading up to multiple incidents including but not limited to the May 9 incident for fomenting instability at the behest of and in collusion with vested political interests, is also being separately investigated.” Hameed served under Khan as ISI chief from 2019 to 2021. Their ties caused tensions between Khan and army chief General Qamar Javed Bajwa that led to the fall of the former cricket star from power in 2022, in a parliamentary vote that Khan alleges was backed by the military. Pakistan’s powerful military, which has directly ruled the nation of 241mn people for more than 30 years in its 77-year independent history, denies the accusations. Related Story Qatar, Pakistan strengthen fraternal ties Amir congratulates Pakistan presidentBlade Air Mobility's CFO sells $119,627 in stock
