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( MENAFN - The Conversation) 20 years have passed since the Aceh tsunami, leaving deep scars on Indonesia, especially for those directly affected. Aceh was also recovering from a three-decade armed conflict between the Free Aceh Movement and the national government Throughout December 2024, The Conversation Indonesia, in collaboration with academics, is publishing a special edition honouring the 20 years of efforts to rebuild Aceh . We hope this series of articles preserves our collective memory while inspiring reflection on the journey of recovery and peace in the land of 'Serambi Makkah.' In the aftermath of the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami, the Acehnese interpreted the disaster in various ways. Initially, the tsunami was interpreted as a punishment or warning from God. Over time, a collective interpretation of the disaster emerged: “The tsunami as a test from God” . This later narrative was compelling enough to accelerate the post-tsunami recovery process . People in Aceh moved past the tsunami trauma by believing their deceased family members were martyrs who deserved a place in heaven, while those who survived were given the opportunity by Allah to live better lives. The process of forming this narrative is called memory canonisation . It occurs when the government and ruling elites impose a specific interpretation or narrative of a disaster, including what to remember and how to remember it . Memory canonisation is evident in the creation of disaster monuments and commemoration events, including in Aceh. Unfortunately, many survivors feel detached from the monuments because they do not evoke personal memories of the tsunami. Constructing permanent memorials after a disaster is a common trend in a modern society . Many tsunami monuments exist in Aceh, and some have even become tourist destinations. Tsunami monuments can be divided into two categories based on the construction. First , monuments built from tsunami debris that are deliberately maintained, modified, or enhanced with certain elements. Examples include the stranded electric-generator ship (the PLTD Apung), the ship on the top of a house in Lampulo, and the tsunami debris at the Rahmatullah Mosque in Lampuuk. Second , monuments intentionally designed and constructed as new buildings after the tsunami, such as the Aceh Tsunami Museum and the Tsunami Poles erected in over 50 locations across Banda Aceh and Aceh Besar. The establishment of disaster memorials is always political . Disaster monuments represent how governments and elites promote specific interpretations as dominant. This is achieved through specific architectural designs or curated narratives in the monument. However, the memory canonisation process is never final. Once established, each disaster monument becomes a place to form, strengthen, modify, alter, and revise the interpretation of the disaster. In a post-disaster situation, the affected community faces 'push and pull' between remembering and forgetting the disaster . They must let go of trauma to move forward while preserving disaster memories to honour victims and enhance future preparedness. The memory of the disaster resides in the back of their mind, but not constantly remembered in everyday life. It will move to the surface as an active memory only when triggered by certain factors, such as a place, object, or event. This memory closely relates to how the survivors give meaning to the disaster. In everyday life, survivors interact with disaster monuments in various contexts –for instance, as a source of income or a place for leisure . Thus, the meaning of a disaster monument can vary, even becoming completely unrelated to its creators' narratives and original goals. Preliminary findings from my ongoing research in Aceh show that among survivors, tsunami memories are often triggered by specific places associated with their experiences. These include the house where they found safety, the coastal area that swept them away, or the ruins of their homes. I refer to these as“the forgotten memories of the tsunami.” Since many tsunami monuments were erected without involving local residents , they feel barely connected, let alone have a sense of ownership, towards the monuments. For survivors, the established monuments do not trigger their memories of the tsunami. Today, 20 years after the tsunami, we can still meet survivors who offer valuable and insightful stories about starting over, rebuilding their homes and villages, and cultivating cultural awareness about tsunamis while embracing vulnerability. However, once these survivors pass away, future generations will lose access to primary sources of learning about the tsunami. This includes new inhabitants who moved to Aceh after the tsunami and rent houses in coastal areas. They will, therefore, depend on the tsunami memorials around them, though many have been neglected . To address these risks, I recommend two measures. First , we can document the“forgotten tsunami memories” creatively through formats like documentary videos, comics, photos, social media content, or other mediums that highlight stories offering insights into disaster risk reduction and education for younger generations. Second , we must encourage sustainable and meaningful interactions between locals and tsunami monuments. Disaster memorials serve their purpose best - preserving the memory of the disaster and educating younger generations - when they remain relevant to residents' daily activities. Locals' active participation is essential in Aceh, including school visits and involvement in . These measures aim to foster a sense of ownership among residents of the tsunami monuments in their neighbourhoods. They encourage voluntary maintenance of the monuments and make them integral to disaster risk reduction efforts. This article was originally published in Indonesian MENAFN23122024000199003603ID1109025583 Legal Disclaimer: MENAFN provides the information “as is” without warranty of any kind. We do not accept any responsibility or liability for the accuracy, content, images, videos, licenses, completeness, legality, or reliability of the information contained in this article. If you have any complaints or copyright issues related to this article, kindly contact the provider above.ATLANTA — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Ga., where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. “Our founder, former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, passed away this afternoon in Plains, Georgia,” the center said in posting about his death on the social media platform X. It added in a statement that he died peacefully, surrounded by his family. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 White House Diary that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid . And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new Saturday Night Live show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015 . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.”

National Bank of Canada stock rises Thursday, still underperforms marketKaipara Mayor and self-described "Trump of the North" Craig Jepson loves nothing better than fishing over summer. Across the Northland border, in Auckland waters - in the first instance at least. Northland's Mangawhai-based mayor likes to head out across the bar from his upper Mangawhai Harbour home to catch snapper, trevally and more. His favourite fishing spot is in Auckland waters, off Te Arai on the Pakiri coast, about 500 metres south of the border between the two regions. Jepson loves it because it's the quickest best place to get to. He fishes in Auckland waters' Mokohinau Islands as well. But Jepson mixes this up with Northland-based fishing too, off Bream Head and the Hen and Chickens - all depending on wind and sea conditions. The border is no more than an arbitrary line on the map when it comes to fishing. Off Te Arai is the closest to home. "It's all about how much time I have." Mangawhai living's a buzz for Jepson and his partner Jeanette Reid. "There are dolphins up the harbour and great ice creams at the pub," he said. "Mangawhai has a great vibe, I love the ability to go fishing at the drop of a hat. "I love the lifestyle. I love the people here. We often have people over for barbecues and discuss the politics of the day." He and Reid enjoy biking along Mangawhai's ever-lengthening shared path joining the settlement's north and south, which has been built in stages since 2021. Jepson also uses it to bike from home to Mangawhai-based Kaipara District Council (KDC) meetings. But it's boating and fishing that offer more appeal. Jepson's been boating for six decades, starting as a deckhand for his father out of Tauranga when he was 17. He favours simplicity when it comes to eating his fresh caught fish. "A shake or rice flour and cooked in the pan with butter." And then eaten simply with a fried egg - and peas. Much of his catch is given away. Jepson has seen Mangawhai change since he moved there 22 years ago - and there's more to come. Mangawhai is New Zealand's fastest-growing coastal settlement. When he first arrived, vacant holiday baches predominated. Fast forward two decades and it's now 60 percent permanent residents. Most are from Auckland. They work remotely, travel to and from New Zealand's largest city for all or some of the week. There are many variations of that theme, the living style transition supercharged by Covid-19. A thousand more houses are either shaping up or on the horizon for Mangawhai. Northland's southern border with Auckland is just 5km south of Mangawhai. The new 18km Puhoi to Warkworth State Highway 1 four-laning extension that opened in June 2023 has made it easier to travel between Mangawhai and Auckland. Jepson says it's already having an impact on the settlement's population growth. "The trick is trying to manage growth so that we don't kill the goose that laid the golden egg," Jepson said. He says recent technological updates to the settlement's wastewater treatment plant will help Mangawhai as it faces a significant population explosion over summer. The award-winning wastewater treatment plant is one of the most efficient in New Zealand, Jepson said. Getting rid of Mangawhai's mangroves is next in Jepson's sights. As part of this he wants to get rid of the equivalent of about 1.5 rugby fields of mangroves he can see from his house, amidst a much wider removal. His latest mission is stirring up controversy, but Jepson's not afraid to voice his at-times divisive views. Under his helm Kaipara became the only council to can its existing Māori ward , karakia have been removed from council meetings , KDC's Māori relationship agreements with local iwi terminated , and the Kaipara-based Ruawai climate adaptation pilot dumped . He is pushing for a locally based waste to energy plant , despite community opposition and has pulled out of Local Government New Zealand. His penchant for standing up for what he believes in was highlighted when he and his partner joined the Wellington protests over the Covid-19 mandates, seven months before he became mayor. The self-described "Trump of the North" was thrilled when the now-United States president Donald Trump in November won the country's elections. "It's great because it's the end of woke." He held a celebratory gathering at home in honour of Trump's success, the day after the presidency was confirmed. Jepson admires what he says is Trump's ability to go against the grain - along with the president's approaches towards freedom of choice, less government, and freedom of speech. He admires Trump's ability not to fall into what he says is the trap of "group think - knowing the truth but believing the lies". And Jepson's wardrobe now includes a Trump election campaign cap from the United States. He describes KDC as a bellwether council in the global right-wing shift Trump's 2024 election was part of. Like Trump, Jepson doesn't mind standing out - for all the wrong reasons in some people's eyes, but for the right reasons in the eyes of others. He is fine about being labelled as a black sheep mayor, comfortable going against the mainstream. "I'm not scared to confront issues we need to discuss." His 2022 election win with a 1500 vote majority, among 8000 total votes, proved that his position was popular, he said. Jepson will be standing as mayor again in the 2025 elections. "There's too much still to do." LDR is local body journalism co-funded by RNZ and NZ On Air.

Jimmy Carter: Many evolutions for a centenarian ‘citizen of the world’Egypt, Saudi Arabia explore pharmaceutical cooperation

As President-elect Donald Trump promises to take immediate action on a number of fronts once he returns to the White House, he and House Speaker Mike Johnson will continue their talks about the upcoming agenda Saturday at the in Landover. The Republican congressional leader, whose son is a at the Naval Academy in Annapolis, is a key Trump ally expected to help push the president’s plans through Congress. “American families are ready to see an American First agenda and we’re excited about that,” Johnson said at a news conference Tuesday. “You hear a lot of talk about the agenda and how it will be formulated and come together right out of the gates in early January. We’re working on that right now. In fact, House Republicans are already working to enact that agenda.” The football game could be one of a few Maryland-based conversations for how that agenda comes together. While the lawmakers have not officially announced other meetings, House GOP leaders are expected to meet for a daylong retreat in the days after Congress begins its next session Jan. 3 — a retreat that is likely to be in Baltimore, the political news organization Punchbowl News reported. Johnson said he and Trump would be talking “in-depth” about their “playbook” this weekend. The top priority, he said, is curtailing the flow of undocumented immigrants at the southern border and tax reform, both of which could be addressed early in 2025. Some of the work is already underway, he noted, began last week with Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy with House and Senate Republicans about their plans to significantly cut the federal budget. Trump has named the two wealthy businessmen to run a new Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE. Trump also as president-elect in 2016, when the 71,600-person crowd greeted him with chants of “USA, USA.” Johnson said Tuesday some of his son’s Naval Academy classmates had recently visited the Capitol. “I guess I got to say ‘Go Navy,’ because my son’s there,” Johnson said. “But President Trump is coming to the game and others, and we’ll all be there together. It’ll be a lot of fun.”NASHVILLE, Tenn.--(BUSINESS WIRE)--Dec 17, 2024-- Celero Commerce (“Celero”), a leading integrated electronic commerce solutions provider, today announced a new collaboration with EverBank, N.A., a national specialty bank serving clients across the United States, to enhance payment processing options for EverBank’s clients. Through this collaboration, EverBank will leverage Celero’s advanced payment and analytics platform to streamline financial operations for small business to larger commercial corporate clients, with a focus on expanding payment acceptance capabilities. The integration will enable a more flexible, seamless and scalable approach to payments, reinforcing EverBank’s dedication to providing innovative financial solutions to deliver the financial advantage clients deserve. “We founded Celero to deliver a proprietary suite of FinTech solutions tailored for financial institutions and small to mid-sized businesses,” said Celero founder and Chief Executive Officer Kevin Jones. “Paired with the superior service we offer, we know we can help deliver a better payments experience to EverBank’s customers.” Celero’s platform offers a comprehensive suite of services tailored to meet complex client requirements, including real-time payment capabilities, robust fraud prevention tools and in-depth financial analytics, all strategically aligned to streamline payment operations. “We are always looking for ways to make our clients’ lives easier and improve their experience of working with us, and Celero shares our mission of providing best-in-class payments solutions to give our clients an advantage,” said Lindsay Lawrence, Executive Vice President and Chief Operating Officer of EverBank. “By collaborating with Celero, we are offering a solution that adapts to our clients’ evolving needs, ensuring we continue to support their success and growth effectively.” About Celero Commerce Headquartered in Nashville, Celero Commerce is a full-service, integrated electronic commerce solutions provider powered by leading-edge technology, strategic partnerships, and business intelligence. Celero offers small and medium-sized businesses payment processing services, business management software, and data intelligence, empowering them to drive growth and profitability. Celero is a top ten non-bank processor of electronic payment transactions in the world. Visit https://www.celerocommerce.com/ to learn more. About EverBank EverBank, N.A. (“EverBank”) is a nationwide specialty bank providing high-value products and services to consumer and commercial clients nationwide. As a pioneer in online banking, we offer convenient digital access for clients 24/7, in addition to phone banking services and a network of financial centers across Florida and California. EverBank’s commitment is to deliver to their clients high-performing, high-yield solutions backed by exceptional service, always giving them the advantage they expect to make the most of their money. Visit everbank.com or connect and interact with us on Facebook, Instagram, LinkedIn, or X (formerly Twitter). EverBank is a Member FDIC. View source version on businesswire.com : https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20241217424040/en/ CONTACT: Media Scott Farace scottf@celerocommerce.com (972) 533-5655 Media Michael Cosgrove Michael.Cosgrove@EverBank.com (904) 612-4160 KEYWORD: TENNESSEE UNITED STATES NORTH AMERICA INDUSTRY KEYWORD: TECHNOLOGY PAYMENTS FINANCE FINTECH BANKING ELECTRONIC COMMERCE PROFESSIONAL SERVICES SOFTWARE DATA ANALYTICS DATA MANAGEMENT SOURCE: Celero Commerce Copyright Business Wire 2024. PUB: 12/17/2024 02:00 PM/DISC: 12/17/2024 02:00 PM http://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20241217424040/enCam Carter scored LSU's first eight points and finished with a game-high 23 and LSU raced to a 37-8 lead on its way to a 110-45 victory against outmanned Mississippi Valley State on Sunday in Baton Rouge, La. Vyctorius Miller added 20 points and Jordan Sears and Daimion Collins scored 15 each for the Tigers (11-2), who led 55-13 at halftime. It was their final game before opening Southeastern Conference play against visiting Vanderbilt on Saturday. LSU, which defeated Mississippi Valley 106-60 last season, shot 65.7 percent (46 of 70) from the floor. The Delta Devils (2-11) had no player score in double figures. The closest was Alvin Stredic with eight points. Mississippi Valley State remained winless against Division I opponents and have an average margin of defeat of 44.2 points heading into their Southwestern Athletic Conference opener at Alabama State on Jan. 4. Stredic's field goal tied the score at two before Carter made a tie-breaking 3-pointer to give LSU the lead for good. Carter made another 3-pointer during a 7-0 run that increased the lead to 12-4. Another field goal by Stredic ended that run before Carter and Sears each made a 3-pointer and the Tigers pushed the lead to 20-6. Stredic made another field goal, giving him six of his team's first eight points, before Carter made a 3-pointer and another basket to help fuel a 17-0 run that enabled LSU to build the 37-8 bulge. Johnathan Pace made a field goal to stop the run, but Sears and Curtis Givens III each made a 3-pointer to complete a 10-0 run that expanded the lead to 47-10. Jair Horton answered with the Delta Devils' only 3-pointer of the half before Miller and Sears each scored four points and the Tigers led by 42 at the break. Carter (16 points) and Sears (10) combined to score twice as many points as Mississippi Valley State in the half. Carter made 6-of-10 3-pointers and Sears made 4 of 8. --Field Level Media