o9.rico Rocco Becht scored on a 1-yard quarterback sneak on fourth down with 56 seconds left and No. 18 Iowa State edged No. 13 Miami 42-41 on Saturday in the Pop-Tarts Bowl at Orlando, Fla. Becht also passed for 270 yards and three touchdowns as the Cyclones (11-3) overcame a 10-point deficit in the second half to secure their first 11-win season in school history. The Hurricanes (10-3), who lost for the third time in four games after starting the season with a 9-0 record, rushed for 308 yards -- most in school history in a bowl game. However, they had virtually no passing attack in the second half with backup Emory Williams under center. Heisman Trophy finalist Cam Ward threw for 190 yards and three touchdowns for Miami. The first TD was the 156th of his career, breaking the Division I (FBS and FCS) record he shared with Houston's Case Keenum (2007-11) -- before sitting out the second half of his last college game. Williams, who was intercepted on the final play of the game, finished 5-for-14 passing for 26 yards. He was 3-for-8 for 20 yards when the Hurricanes got the ball back one final time at their own 20 with 47 seconds left. No. 17 BYU 36, No. 23 Colorado 14 The Cougars' stout defensive effort shut down the Buffaloes' explosive offense in the Alamo Bowl in San Antonio. The Cougars, who had four sacks and two interceptions, held Colorado to just two rushing yards and 210 yards of total offense. The Buffaloes averaged 34.5 points and nearly 400 yards of offense per game entering the Alamo Bowl. BYU's Parker Kingston had a 64-yard punt return touchdown. Jake Retzlaff completed 12-of-21 passes for 151 yards and two interceptions. LJ Martin (93 rushing yards) had two touchdowns on the ground and Sione I Moa ran one in for the Cougars (11-2). Evan Johnson and Isaiah Glasker had interceptions. Colorado's Shedeur Sanders completed 16-of-23 passes for 208 yards with two touchdowns and two interceptions. Heisman Trophy winner Travis Hunter caught four passes for 106 yards and a touchdown. Sav'ell Smalls added a touchdown catch. No. 22 Army 27, Louisiana Tech 6 Bryson Daily rushed for 127 yards and three touchdowns, setting a single-season FBS record for scores by a quarterback along the way, as the Midshipmen rolled past the Bulldogs in the Independence Bowl in Shreveport, La. Hayden Reed carried 20 times for a career-high 114 yards and a touchdown as Army (12-2) rebounded from a crushing 31-13 loss two weeks ago to Navy, in which the Black Knights relinquished the Commander-in-Chief's trophy. Army improved to 8-3 all-time in bowl games, and its 12 wins are the most in a season in program history. Daily finished his senior season with 32 touchdowns, which topped the previous mark of 31 by an FBS quarterback, set by Navy's Keenan Reynolds in 2013. -Field Level Media‘The Chosen: Last Supper’ Season 5 Trailer Unveiled Ahead Of Theatrical ReleaseATLANTA (AP) — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. “Our founder, former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, passed away this afternoon in Plains, Georgia,” the center said in posting about his death on the social media platform X. It added in a statement that he died peacefully, surrounded by his family. As reaction poured in from around the world, President Joe Biden mourned Carter’s death, saying the world lost an “extraordinary leader, statesman and humanitarian” and he lost a dear friend. Biden cited Carter’s compassion and moral clarity, his work to eradicate disease, forge peace, advance civil and human rights, promote free and fair elections, house the homeless and advocacy for the disadvantaged as an example for others. “To all of the young people in this nation and for anyone in search of what it means to live a life of purpose and meaning – the good life – study Jimmy Carter, a man of principle, faith, and humility,” Biden said in a statement. “He showed that we are a great nation because we are a good people – decent and honorable, courageous and compassionate, humble and strong.” Biden said he is ordering a state funeral for Carter in Washington. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015 . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.” Sanz is a former Associated Press reporter.

Unless you happen to be an average-size person with perfectly balanced proportions, the clothing you buy may or may not fit perfectly. A skilled tailor can make a wardrobe seem almost custom-made by taking up a hem, adjusting a cuff, or making a few nips and tucks here and there. The same applies to your investment portfolio. A standard asset-allocation mix (such as a model portfolio ) may work well for the “average” investor, but one size doesn’t always fit all. Here are some of the situations in which you might want to consider adjusting your portfolio for a better fit. The “bucket approach” is a great way to tailor your asset allocation to better fit your specific needs. The general idea is to keep one to two years’ worth of expenses in highly liquid securities to help meet short-term cash needs (plus an additional five years’ or more worth of living expenses in high-quality fixed-income securities to provide income and stability). That way you won’t have to scramble to sell securities to meet your ongoing expenses. In effect, this approach is a way of building a tailored asset allocation from the bottom up. Similarly, make sure your asset allocation accounts for both longer- and shorter-term goals. If you have upcoming events on the horizon such as a home purchase, college tuition, a wedding, or a big vacation, make sure you have enough of your portfolio in moderate-risk assets (such as high-quality short- or intermediate-term bond funds) to fund these goals. It’s far more likely for a single stock to have large losses than a diversified mutual fund, so it’s wise to prune any stock holdings so they make up less than 10% of your portfolio. If you’ve received significant equity awards as part of your total compensation, though, consider how to do so without realizing hefty capital gains. If your spouse is more than five years older or younger than you, your portfolios should probably look a bit different. The younger spouse can afford to have a higher equity weighting and a more aggressive risk profile, while the older one will want to dial back risk. If you hold assets jointly, consider using a blended approach based on the average of your two ages. If you’re fortunate enough to have relatives who lived into their 90s or beyond, it makes sense to plan for a longer-than-usual life expectancy. You can probably afford to take on more risk with more exposure to equities and high-risk assets. From an actuarial perspective, each year you live means your life expectancy gets longer. Some experts (such as Michael Kitces and Wade Pfau) even argue for a “reverse glide path,” which increases equity exposure as you get older instead of the reverse. On the flip side, if you’re dealing with a terminal illness, make sure to keep your portfolio conservative enough to meet higher-than-expected health care expenses and provide yourself with whatever you might need to make your remaining months and years a little more comfortable. You might want to leave a legacy to your children and grandchildren, but keep in mind that the gift of your time—not money—will probably be the most meaningful. So, don’t feel guilty about spending down your assets if you find yourself in a situation where you need to. If you weren’t able to save and invest early in your career, your portfolio balance might be relatively low. Taking a hard look at your spending is the most important step you can take in this situation. But while it might be tempting to ramp up your equity exposure to try to make up lost ground, it’s more prudent to take the opposite approach because a small portfolio has less room to absorb market losses. Because a pension is literally a fixed income, it functions like a bond position in a portfolio, so you can afford to increase the equity weighting with your other assets. Social Security works the same way: Your monthly benefits won’t grow beyond a small cost of living increase, but it’s effectively a bond-like income stream. Get local news delivered to your inbox!

Man City blow three-goal lead in Champions League, Bayern beat PSGP.A.’s Howe one of 4 Sask. born players named to Canada’s World Junior roster

Hail Flutie: BC celebrates 40th anniversary of Miracle in Miami

Heritage Hills has been one of the top ranked teams in the Class 3A all season and will get a chance to prove it this coming Saturday at the state finals after knocking off Batesville 42-0 to win the semistate title. The No. 2 Patriots (13-1) will take on Ft. Wayne Bishop Luers (10-4) at 3 p.m. Saturday at Lucas Oil Stadium for the Class 3A state championship. Batesville ends the season 9-4. Heritage Hills took the opening possession down the field for a touchdown. Quarterback Jett Goldberry scored on the 15-yard run at the 7:30 mark to give the host Patriots an early 7-0 lead. Batesville came right back and moved the ball down the field. A 19-yard pass from Will Jaisle to Damien Krekeler had the Bulldogs on the move. Gage Pohlman had a big run on the drive. When Jaisle connected with Damien Dance on the pass play, the Bulldogs were at the Heritage Hills 20-yard line. The Patriots stalled Batesville’s drive and took over on downs. On Heritage Hills’ next possession, Goldsberry scored on a 40-yard run to push the Patriots’ lead to 14-0 after one quarter. A Goldsberry pass to Hunter Meredith for the 87-yard touchdown extended the Patriots’ led to 21-0. Just before the half, Goldsberry pass to Peyton Gray for a 37-yard touchdown put Heritage Hills in front 27-0 at the break. A rushing touchdown by Alex Smith and touchdown pass from Goldsberry to Tyler Ruxer capped the scoring in the game with Heritage Hills advancing 42-0. Adams Central (13-1) vs Linton-Stockton (12-2), 11 a.m. East Noble (13-1) vs New Palestine (13-0), 3 p.m. Westfield (12-1) vs Brownsburg (12-1), 7 p.m. North Judson-San Pierre (14-0) vs Providence (13-0), 11 a.m. Fort Wayne Bishop Luers (10-4) vs Heritage Hills (13-1), 3 p.m. Warsaw Community (10-3) vs Decatur Central (10-2), 7 p.m.Fairholme Funds, Inc. December 2024 Dividend Distributions

Avenue Supermart shares 0.92% as Nifty falls

Will Utah State or Boise State forfeit vs. San Jose State in the Mountain West semifinals?NYC is officially the richest city in the world, report says

MIAMI--(BUSINESS WIRE)--Dec 13, 2024-- FAIRHOLME FUNDS, INC. THE FAIRHOLME FUND (FAIRX) On December 13, 2024, the Fairholme Fund (NASDAQ: FAIRX) distributed an Ordinary Income dividend of $0.21078 per share to shareholders of record as of December 12, 2024. The Fairholme Fund’s Net Asset Value (“NAV”) was reduced by the total amount of the distribution. The Record Date, Ex-Dividend Date, Payable Date, and Cents-Per-Share are as follows: THE FAIRHOLME FOCUSED INCOME FUND (FOCIX) On December 13, 2024, the Fairholme Focused Income Fund (NASDAQ: FOCIX) distributed an Ordinary Income dividend of $0.06767 per share to shareholders of record as of December 12, 2024. The Fairholme Focused Income Fund’s Net Asset Value (“NAV”) was reduced by the total amount of the distribution. The Record Date, Ex-Dividend Date, Payable Date, and Cents-Per-Share are as follows: Past performance is not a guarantee of future results. Investing in the Funds involves risks including loss of principal. The Funds’ investment objectives, risks, charges, and expenses should be considered carefully before investing. The prospectus contains this and other important information about the Funds, and it may be obtained by calling Shareholder Services at (866) 202-2263 or visiting our website www.fairholmefunds.com . Read it carefully before investing. The Fairholme Fund is non-diversified, which means that The Fairholme Fund invests in a smaller number of securities when compared to more diversified funds. Therefore, The Fairholme Fund is exposed to greater individual stock volatility than a diversified fund. The Fairholme Fund also invests in foreign securities which involve greater volatility and political, economic and currency risks and differences in accounting methods. The Fairholme Fund may also invest in “special situations” to achieve its objectives. These strategies may involve greater risks than other fund strategies. The Fairholme Focused Income Fund (the “Income Fund”) is a non-diversified mutual fund, which means that the Income Fund invests in a smaller number of securities when compared to more diversified funds. This strategy exposes the Income Fund and its shareholders to greater risk of loss from adverse developments affecting portfolio companies. The Income Fund’s investments are also subject to interest rate risk, which is the risk that the value of a security will decline because of a change in general interest rates. Investments subject to interest rate risk will usually decrease in value when interest rates rise and rise in value when interest rates decline. Also, securities with long maturities typically experience a more pronounced change in value when interest rates change. Debt securities are subject to credit risk (potential default by the issuer). The Income Fund may invest without limit in lower-rated securities. Compared to higher-rated fixed income securities, lower-rated debt may entail greater risk of default and market volatility. Foreside Funds Distributors LLC (12/24) View source version on businesswire.com : https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20241213557386/en/ CONTACT: Fairholme Funds, Inc. Jodi Lin, 305-358-3000 KEYWORD: FLORIDA UNITED STATES NORTH AMERICA INDUSTRY KEYWORD: COMMUNICATIONS PROFESSIONAL SERVICES PUBLIC RELATIONS/INVESTOR RELATIONS FINANCE SOURCE: Fairholme Funds, Inc. Copyright Business Wire 2024. PUB: 12/13/2024 05:30 PM/DISC: 12/13/2024 05:32 PM http://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20241213557386/enHarris has ‘no knowledge’ anyone tried to get RTE to take down viral clip

AP Business SummaryBrief at 2:40 p.m. EST

Butterball, a popular turkey company, is facing calls for a boycott ahead of the Thanksgiving holiday amid allegations of animal abuse that are circulating online . The claims about animal abuse stem from a video that People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA), an animal rights organization, shared on its X and Instagram accounts in November. That video accuses Butterball employees of abusing turkeys. “Do you know what happened to your Butterball turkey before they were killed?” the videos’ caption says. A VERIFY reader texted us to ask if Butterball turkeys have been recalled amid the abuse allegations. Google Trends data show other people online are also wondering if there’s a recall on Butterball turkeys. THE QUESTION Have Butterball turkeys been recalled amid abuse allegations? THE SOURCES The U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) U.S. Food and Drug Administration Butterball spokesperson People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA) THE ANSWER No, Butterball turkeys have not been recalled amid abuse allegations. WHAT WE FOUND There isn’t a recall for Butterball turkeys, a spokesperson for the company and federal government websites confirm. The video circulating online alleging animal abuse is nearly 20 years old. If any food products were recalled, federal health officials would post notices on their websites. But that hasn’t happened as of Tuesday, Nov. 26. The U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) and U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) websites do not list any recent recalls for Butterball turkeys. A Butterball spokesperson also confirmed to VERIFY that none of the company’s products are recalled. The video accusing Butterball employees of abusing turkeys that sparked recall concerns is almost 20 years old, the company spokesperson said. "We are aware of a video from nearly 20 years ago, which is being re-shared across social media. This video is not current and was taken prior to Butterball becoming a private company and prior to our engagement and certification through American Humane,” the spokesperson told VERIFY. “Eleven years ago, Butterball was the first, and remains the only, turkey company to be American Humane certified. That means we have yearly audits conducted by a third party to ensure compliance with our 200+ science-based standards of best practice for care of turkeys, well exceeding industry best practices,” they added. People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA) has a longer version of the video alleging turkey abuse posted on its website. That webpage links out to an article where PETA details an undercover investigation into a Butterball slaughterhouse in Ozark, Arkansas, that occurred nearly 20 years ago, from April to July 2006. During the undercover investigation, PETA investigators “documented that Butterball workers punched and stomped on live turkeys, slammed them against walls, and worse,” the animal rights organization said. In response to the old video recirculating online, the Butterball spokesperson added that the company has a “zero-tolerance policy for animal mistreatment." Related Articles Safely thawing your Thanksgiving turkey: 5 VERIFIED tips Yes, the average Thanksgiving meal this year is more affordable than last year Claim that Wednesday before Thanksgiving is the busiest travel day needs context The VERIFY team works to separate fact from fiction so that you can understand what is true and false. Please consider subscribing to our daily newsletter , text alerts and our YouTube channel . You can also follow us on Snapchat , Instagram , Facebook and TikTok . Learn More » Follow Us YouTube Snapchat Instagram Facebook TikTok Want something VERIFIED? Text: 202-410-8808What's Going On With Zoom Video Stock Today?Dr Charlotte Proudman, who specialises in family law, had faced a Bar Standards Board (BSB) disciplinary tribunal over a 14-part Twitter thread criticising a judge’s ruling over a domestic abuse case, saying it echoed a “boys’ club”. However, the five charges against the 36-year-old were dropped on Thursday. In an interview with The Times, Dr Proudman described the position of Mark Neale, the board’s director-general, as “untenable” and said its chairwoman, Kathryn Stone, should also stand down. “They need a change, not just in those two individuals, though, because, of course, it seeps down to the rest of the organisation,” she said. She told the paper she “genuinely” wanted to work with the Bar Standards Board in helping them to understand how misogyny and sexism have impacted women at the bar. However, she said that “under the current leadership, it’s just not going to be possible”. The charges alleged Dr Proudman had “failed to act with integrity” in posting the tweets, that they amounted to professional misconduct, were “misleading” and “inaccurately reflected the findings of the judge” in the case. The women’s rights campaigner was also accused of behaving in a way “which was likely to diminish the trust and confidence which the public placed in her and in the profession”, and that she “knowingly or recklessly misled or attempted to mislead the public” by making the posts. But panel chairman Nicholas Ainley found her tweets are protected under Article 10 of the Human Rights Act 1998 and the European Convention on Human Rights, which protects the right of freedom of expression. He said her tweets did not “gravely damage” the judiciary, which would “put them outside” of Article 10 protection, even if they “might not have been pleasant for any judge to read” or even “hurtful”. “We take the view that the judiciary of England and Wales is far more robust than that,” he said. The panel also concluded that some of the tweets were only inaccurate “to a minor degree” and not to the extent necessary for a charge of a lack of integrity. Speaking after the hearing, Dr Proudman told the PA news agency: “This ruling is a victory for women’s rights and a right to freedom of speech. “The prosecution against me brought by my regulatory body, the Bar Standards Board, should never have happened and I said that from day one. “I criticised a domestic abuse judgment. Everyone should have the right to do that, whether you’re a barrister or not. Our justice system, which I strongly believe in, is robust enough to withstand criticism from me.” She believes her tweets help “foster confidence” in the justice system, adding: “Only that way can we go about building change and a better treatment for all victims, women and children and men who are affected by domestic abuse.” Explaining that the BSB appears to have spent almost £40,000 “of barristers’ money” on instructing counsel in her case, she added: “I think it’s shameful that they’re using our money to pay for, in my view, malicious, vexatious prosecutions which I have no doubt was a personal attack against me as a woman and as a feminist, as an outspoken critic and advocate for women’s rights.” Dr Proudman called for “systemic change” within the board. “They don’t understand gender, they don’t understand diversity, I don’t think they’ve ever heard of the concept misogyny and certainly not institutional misogyny,” she said. “Until they recognise the deeply rooted, entrenched issue of bullying, harassment, sexism at the bar, for which I have suffered relentlessly... and own up to it I don’t think we’re going to see any change and I have no confidence in them.” She told of how male barristers have called her insulting names on social media and made derogatory comments about her. In the posts on April 6 2022, Dr Proudman referenced a case in which her client alleged she had been subjected to coercive and controlling behaviour by her husband, a part-time judge, meaning she had been “unable to freely enter” the couple’s “post-nuptial” financial agreement. Commenting on the ruling by Family Court judge Sir Jonathan Cohen, Dr Proudman wrote: “I represented Amanda Traharne. “She said she was coerced into signing a post-nuptial agreement by her husband (who is a part-time judge). I lost the case. “I do not accept the Judge’s reasoning. I will never accept the minimisation of domestic abuse.” She continued: “Demeaning the significance of domestic abuse has the affect of silencing victims and rendering perpetrators invisible. “This judgement has echoes of (t)he ‘boys club’ which still exists among men in powerful positions.” In the thread, Dr Proudman wrote that the judge had described the relationship of the couple as “tempestuous”, which she argued was a “trivialisation” of domestic abuse. “Tempestuous? Lose his temper? Isn’t this the trivialisation of domestic abuse & gendered language. This is not normal married life,” she wrote.

NoneSouth Dakota State QB Mark Gronowski to enter portal, keep eye on draft

JEDDAH, Saudi Arabia (AP) — “My Driver and I” was supposed to be made in 2016, but was scuttled amid Saudi Arabia's decades-long cinema ban. Eight years later, the landscape for film in the kingdom looks much different — and the star of “My Driver and I” now has an award. Roula Dakheelallah was named the winner of the Chopard Emerging Saudi Talent award at the Red Sea International Film Festival on Thursday. The award — and the glitzy festival itself — is a sign of Saudi Arabia's commitment to shaping a new film industry. “My heart is attached to cinema and art; I have always dreamed of a moment like this,” Dakheelallah, who still works a 9-5 job, told The Associated Press before the awards ceremony. “I used to work in voluntary films and help my friends in the field, but this is my first big role in a film.” The reopening of cinemas in 2018 marked a cultural turning point for Saudi Arabia, an absolute monarchy that had instituted the ban 35 years before, under the influence of ultraconservative religious authorities. It has since invested heavily in a native film industry by building theaters and launching programs to support local filmmakers through grants and training. The Red Sea International Film Festival was launched just a year later, part of an attempt to expand Saudi influence into films, gaming, sports and other cultural fields. Activists have decried the investments as whitewashing the kingdom’s human rights record as it tightly controls speech and remains one of the world’s top executioners. With FIFA awarding the 2034 World Cup to Saudi Arabia this week, Lina al-Hathloul, a Saudi activist with the London-based rights group ALQST, said Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman “has really managed to create this bubble where people only see entertainment and they don’t see the reality on the ground.” These efforts are part of Vision 2030, an ambitious reform plan unveiled in 2016 to ease the economy's dependence on oil. As part of it, Saudi Arabia plans to construct 350 cinemas with over 2,500 movie screens — by this past April, across 22 cities, it already had 66 cinemas showing movies from the local film industry, as well as Hollywood and Bollywood. (The Red Sea International Film Festival attracts a host of talent from the latter industries, with Viola Davis and Priyanka Chopra Jonas also picking up awards Thursday.) The country's General Entertainment Authority last month opened Al Hisn Studios on the outskirts of Riyadh. As one of the largest such production hubs in the Middle East, it not only includes several film studios but also a production village with workshops for carpentry, blacksmithing and fashion tailoring. “These facilities, when they exist, will stimulate filmmakers,” said Saudi actor Mohammed Elshehri. “Today, no writer or director has an excuse to imagine and say, ‘I cannot implement my imagination.’” The facilities are one part of the equation — the content itself is another. One of the major players in transforming Saudi filmmaking has been Telfaz11, a media company founded in 2011 that began as a YouTube channel and quickly became a trailblazer. Producing high-quality digital content such as short films, comedy sketches and series, Telfaz11 offered fresh perspectives on Saudi and regional issues. In 2020, Telfaz11 signed a partnership with Netflix to produce original content for the streaming giant. The result has been movies that demonstrate an evolution on the storytelling level, tackling topics that were once off-limits and sensitive to the public like secret nightlife in “Mandoob” (“Night Courier”) and changing social norms in “Naga.” “I think we tell our stories in a very simple way, and that’s what reaches the world,” Elshehri says of the changing shift. “When you tell your story in a natural way without any affectation, it will reach every person.” But the films were not without their critics, drawing mixed reaction. Social media discoursed ranged from pleasure that Saudi film were tackling such topics to anger over how the films reflected conservative society. As Hana Al-Omair, a Saudi writer and director, points out, there are still many stories left untold. “We certainly have a long time ahead of us before we can tell the Saudi narrative as it should be,” she said, acknowledging that there are still barriers and rampant censorship. “The Goat Life,” a Malayalam-language movie about an Indian man forced to work without pay in Saudi Arabia, is not available on Netflix's platform in the country. Movies that explore political topics or LGBTQ+ stories are essentially out of the question. Even “My Driver and I,” featured at the Red Sea festival alongside 11 other Saudi feature-length films, was initially too controversial. It centers on a Sudanese man in Jeddah, living away from his own daughter, who feels responsible for the girl he drives as her parents are absent. It was initially blocked from being made because of the relationship between the girl and the driver, filmmaker Ahd Kamel has said, even though it's not a romantic relationship. Now in 2024, the film is a success story — a symbol of the Saudi film industry's evolution as well as the growing role of women like Kamel behind the camera and Dakheelallah in front of it. “I see the change in Saudi cinema, a very beautiful change and it is moving at a wonderful speed. In my opinion, we do not need to rush,” Dakheelallah said. “We need to guide the truth of the artistic movement that is happening in Saudi Arabia.” Copyright 2024 The Associated Press . All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.