p777 online casino NoneWhat ails the Democratic Party? Since Kamala Harris’ defeat, several Democrats and center-left commentators have pointed the finger at one culprit: “the groups.” Specifically, they claim, progressive interest and activist groups have both moved too far left and grown far too influential in the Democratic coalition, pushing the party to adopt stances out of step with the median voter on a range of different issues. This, they say, has backfired electorally and will ultimately hurt the people the groups claim to want to help. Yet this critique has been met with an impassioned backlash from progressives and leftists. Some argue the blame is misplaced and the supposed power of these progressive groups has been exaggerated. Others argue that inflation — a global phenomenon — was the main reason for Harris' defeat, so a groups-focused diagnosis misses the point. And yet others argue that progressive groups represent morally righteous causes that Democrats should not abandon — for instance, that moderation would amount to throwing marginalized groups “under the bus.” This debate is now in full swing. In some ways, it’s a continuation of the debate over social justice politics and “wokeness” that has been raging for years. But it extends well beyond that — on climate change, economic policy, immigration, voting reforms, reproductive rights, child care, and many others, the influence of such nonprofit groups on Democrats’ strategic decision-making has been immense in recent years. And yet there’s more to the story than just the groups. The bigger picture is that Democrats are reckoning with the apparent end of a years-long trend in which liberal college graduates’ opinions kept moving further left, a trend that influenced all actors in the party. The debate now is over whether and how Democrats should respond to electoral defeat — by moving to the center and trying to moderate their positions, sticking to their guns, or moving even further left. What does seem clear is that, for the time being at least, the leftward shift has stopped since Biden took office. A backlash to progressive activists’ preferred policies on several issues, including criminal justice and immigration, is in full swing. And, of course, Harris lost. How much blame, if any, “the groups” should get for that has become a matter of intense debate. Progressive group defenders point out that Harris tried to pivot to the center and that the Biden administration’s record on inflation and immigration were her two biggest vulnerabilities. The groups’ critics say Harris' group-influenced positions from the 2020 primary weighed her down, and Democrats ran into political trouble on inflation and immigration in part because of the groups’ bad advice. How the Democratic world — its groups, donors, activists, media outlets, staffers, and politicians — responds to all this is yet to be seen. There are past models. In the 1980s, after the landslide defeats of three successive Democratic presidential nominees, various reform factions tried to moderate the party, arguing that they’d gotten out of touch with the median voter and were too beholden to “special interests.” Bill Clinton became affiliated with these reformers, and won the presidency in 1992. In contrast, the model of Democrats between 2004 (when John Kerry lost) to 2008 (when Obama won big) may suggest a sweeping overhaul of the party’s positions isn’t necessary. After all, Harris came pretty close to winning. Perhaps Trump will govern poorly and Democrats will return to power having changed little. And perhaps the apparent end of the leftward opinion shift among liberal college graduates will be enough to effectively weaken the power of the groups. Another model, oddly enough, is Trump. Before his rise, the Republican Party was tethered to an unpopular “free market” economic agenda involving Medicare cuts and free trade pushed by donor-financed advocacy groups. In 2016, Trump distanced himself from that agenda, and in doing so revealed those groups had little actual power. Then, in 2024, it was the anti-abortion groups that looked to be a political millstone for Trump — so he distanced himself from them. For Democrats now, there are some nascent attempts to challenge the group-dominated status quo. Yet others are skeptical of how much Democrats will — and should – change. “Democrats declaring independence from liberal and progressive interest groups can’t and likely won’t happen,” the commentator Michael A. Cohen (not Trump’s former lawyer) wrote on Substack. “For better or worse, these groups are the modern Democratic Party. If Democrats hope to retake political power in Washington, they must ensure that these groups are enthusiastic, mobilized, and remain firmly ensconced in the Democrats’ corner.” Indeed, the politics of the war in Gaza may be a cautionary tale in this regard. Biden and Harris ignored progressive groups by remaining supportive of Israel — but as a result, Harris faced regular criticism from activists and negative coverage throughout the campaign. The groups might not be so effective at winning Democrats votes — but they still might be able to drive some away. Andrew Prokop is a senior politics correspondent at Vox. His columns are syndicated by Tribune Content Agency. Get local news delivered to your inbox!AP Business SummaryBrief at 4:48 a.m. EST

Dismissed Bamban mayor Alice Guo —House of Representatives photo MANILA, Philippines — Beyond key figures in the bloody war on drugs, the House quad committee is also seeking further inquiries and the possible filing of charges against key figures in the illegal Philippine offshore gaming operators (Pogos), particularly Alice Guo. Regarding the dismissed Bamban, Tarlac mayor, the committee recommended that Guo be investigated further to determine the possibility of filing espionage charges against her. “Various information [about her] remains unverified, including allegations of her being a spy and her connections to Chinese mafias,” read the 51-page progress report summarizing the committee’s findings and recommendations from its hearings in the past four months. “If the findings warrant it, appropriate legal cases should be filed against her to address these serious allegations, e.g. criminal prosecutions for espionage,” it added. READ: Alice Guo’s petition for bail denied by Pasig court The panel also said that Guo should be investigated as well “for any antigraft and corrupt practices ... including falsification of documents and perjury.” In both the Senate and House inquiries into Pogos, Guo was identified as the previous owner of Baofu compound in Bamban, which leased its land to a Pogo called Hongsheng Gaming Technology Inc. which later changed its name to Zun Yuan Technology. Several Pogo service providers were found operating within the compound when it was raided earlier this year, including those associated with Xionwei Technology, a company owned by Allan Lim, an associate of former Duterte economic adviser Michael Yang. Guo is also accused of misrepresenting herself as a Filipino using a fake birth certificate, which allowed her to acquire landholdings and even occupy a political office. Allegations that she was a Chinese spy gained ground during the House quad committee’s inquiry, after lawmakers confronted her about an Al Jazeera documentary on confessed Chinese spy Shi Zhijang, who implicated Guo in his dossier of Communist Party of China agents. Two other mayors, Liseldo Calugay of Sual, Pangasinan, and Teddy Tumang of Mexico, Pampanga, were also recommended for investigation for their dealings with Guo and for possibly giving undue prejudice to Chinese nationals in allowing Pogos to thrive in their respective provinces. Subscribe to our daily newsletter By providing an email address. I agree to the Terms of Use and acknowledge that I have read the Privacy Policy .

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