mnl777 free 100 download Ashton Kutcher looks tense during chat on LA walk after Mila Kunis divorce rumors and Diddy drama Have YOU got a story? Email tips@dailymail.com LISTEN: The Trial of Diddy – bringing you the biggest and most shocking details from the rapper’s downfall each week. Available wherever you get your podcasts now By EVE BUCKLAND and CHRISTINE RENDON FOR DAILYMAIL.COM Published: 20:18, 21 November 2024 | Updated: 20:19, 21 November 2024 e-mail 18 shares 4 View comments Ashton Kutcher looked tense as he hiked in LA this week after a tough few months which saw divorce rumors swirl amid his friendship with disgraced rapper Diddy . The actor, 46, who shares two children with wife Mila Kunis , 41, was somber as he chatted with a friend in an intense conversation in the Hollywood Hills. Ashton wore a grey tee, blue jeans and a baseball cap for his outing, paired with shades. The outing comes two months after rumors began spreading online that he and Kunis were set to split following Diddy's arrest - which a source branded 'ridiculous and false' to People. In the aftermath of Diddy's arrest, footage of Ashton talking about Diddy parties resurfaced along with older images of the duo together, raising scrutiny into the actor's relationship with the mogul. A second source told the site: 'Ashton has no involvement in any of this. He doesn't belong in this conversation about Diddy. Ashton has only seen Diddy in a handful of social and business events, all of which have been documented by the media.' Ashton Kutcher looked tense as he hiked in LA this week after a tough few months which saw divorce rumors swirl amid his friendship with disgraced rapper Diddy Diddy, 55, was arrested and indicted in September in Manhattan for sex trafficking, racketeering and transportation to engage in prostitution. He has pleaded not guilty to the charges. Read More Ashton Kutcher and wife Mila Kunis split rumors are 'ridiculous and false' Kutcher and Kunis have been married since 2015 and share two children together - daughter Wyatt, 10, and son Dimitri, eight. They met as co-stars on the hit sitcom That 70's Show, where they played Michael Kelso and Jackie Burkhart from 1998 to 2006. Prior to their romance, Kutcher was married to Demi Moore and had just ended six years of marriage. They finalized their divorce in November 2013. Combs allegedly held 'Freak Off' sessions in which he coerced women to have sex with male prostitutes while he masturbated. Authorities allege he often recorded the sessions, luring women in by pretending to start a romantic relationship with them. They allegedly lasted for days on end, and police claim Combs provided drugs to 'keep the victims obedient.' Kutcher's longtime friendship with Diddy recently came under scrutiny after a questionable clip resurfaced. The actor, 46, who shares two children with wife Mila Kunis, 41, was somber as he chatted with a friend in an intense conversation in the Hollywood Hills The outing comes two months after rumors began spreading online that he and Kunis were set to split following Diddy's arrest - which a source branded 'ridiculous and false' to People; pictured 2021 Kutcher's longtime friendship with Diddy recently came under scrutiny after a questionable clip from the actor's 2019 appearance on Hot Ones resurfaced; the duo seen in 2007 The video showed Kutcher in a Hot Ones segment in 2019 when he was asked to shed light on his friend's infamous parties. 'I've got a lot I can't tell,' Kutcher said while laughing and as a knowing smirk spread across his face. Kutcher spent a split second considering his words, before adding: 'Can't tell that one either... I'm cycling through them.' Combs was known to throw elaborate parties often attended by his elite Hollywood friends. Kutcher co-hosted a White Party with Combs in 2009 but it's unclear what other parties he attended. There is no indication Kutcher was involved in any wrongdoing. During his Hot Ones segment, he described the parties as 'weird'. 'Diddy party stories... weird man,' he said. The footage resurfaced this week, prompting a wave of scrutiny and criticism demanding Kutcher speak up. 'He's probably not laughing now,' one user on social media wrote in response to the clip. 'Please tell, Ashton,' another replied. Others questioned whether Kutcher - or other celebrities who have publicly said they've attended Diddy's parties - would be subpoenaed or asked to take the stand in a future trial. Kutcher and Diddy pictured in 2003 Kutcher went on to say that his long friendship with Diddy started back in 2003 during his time hosting the MTV show Punk'd. 'We just became fast friends, and we used to just hang out and watch football together,' Kutcher said. 'He just can't lose.' Ashton reportedly 'regrets' his ties with the troubled star, who has been federally charged with sex trafficking and racketeering as he awaits trial behind bars in New York. Kutcher and Kunis also faced fierce backlash last year over their support of convicted rapist Danny Masterson, 48. Ashton and Mila were close friends of Masterson's and all three of them previously starred together on the hit TV sitcom, That '70s Show, back in the early 2000s. After Masterson was found guilty in 2023 of raping two women and sentenced to 30 years to life in prison, it was learned that Ashton and Mila had penned character letters on their friend's behalf asking for leniency. Kutcher and Kunis starred alongside each other in the sitcom That '70s Show and began dating after they met on the long-running show Fans of the couple were outraged, which prompted them to upload a poorly received 'apology' video to Instagram just days after their letters were revealed. In it, they stressed that they wrote the letters at the request of Masterson's family and that they 'were intended for the judge to read and not to undermine the testimony of the victims or re-traumatize them in any way. 'We would never want to do that. And we're sorry if that has taken place.' Ashton concluded the somber video with: 'Our heart goes out to every single person who's ever been a victim of sexual assault, sexual abuse, or rape. Ashton Kutcher Mila Kunis Diddy Share or comment on this article: Ashton Kutcher looks tense during chat on LA walk after Mila Kunis divorce rumors and Diddy drama e-mail 18 shares Add comment

WASHINGTON (AP) — President-elect allies on Capitol Hill rallied around , Trump’s Pentagon pick, on Thursday even as that he had sexually assaulted a woman in 2017. The GOP embrace of Hegseth came as another controversial Trump nominee, Matt Gaetz, withdrew from consideration for attorney general. Gaetz said it was clear he had become a “distraction" amid pressure on the House to release an ethics report about allegations of his own sexual misconduct. An attorney for two women has said that his clients told House Ethics Committee investigators that Gaetz paid them for sex on multiple occasions beginning in 2017, when Gaetz was a Florida congressman. Fresh questions over the two nominees' pasts, and their treatment of women, arose with Republicans under pressure from Trump and his allies to quickly confirm his Cabinet. At the same time, his transition has so far balked at the vetting and background checks that have traditionally been required. While few Republican senators have publicly criticized any of Trump's nominees, it became clear after Gaetz's withdrawal that many had been harboring private concerns about him. Oklahoma Sen. Markwayne Mullin, who served with Gaetz in the House, said it was a “positive move.” Mississippi Sen. Roger Wicker said it was a “positive development.” Maine Sen. Susan Collins said Gaetz “put country first and I am pleased with his decision.” After meeting with Hegseth, though, Republicans rallied around him. “I think he’s going to be in pretty good shape,” said Wicker, who is expected to chair the Senate Armed Services Committee in the next Congress. Republican senators' careful words, and their early reluctance to publicly question Trump's picks, illustrated not only their fear of retribution from the incoming president but also some of their hopes that the confirmation process can proceed normally, with proper vetting and background checks that could potentially disqualify problematic nominees earlier. Gaetz withdrew after meeting with senators on Wednesday. Sen. Thom Tillis said Gaetz was “in a pressure cooker” when he decided to withdraw, but suggested that it would have little bearing on Trump’s other nominees. “Transactions — one at a time,” he said. As the Hegseth nomination proceeds, Republicans also appear to be betting that they won't face much backlash for publicly setting aside the allegations of sexual misconduct — especially after Trump won election after being found liable for sexual abuse last year. Hegseth held a round of private meetings alongside incoming Vice President on Thursday in an attempt to shore up support and told reporters afterward: “The matter was fully investigated and I was completely cleared, and that’s where I’m gonna leave it.” A 22-page police report report late Wednesday offered the first detailed account of the allegations against him. A woman told police that she was sexually assaulted in 2017 by Hegseth after he took her phone, blocked the door to a California hotel room and refused to let her leave. The report cited police interviews with the alleged victim, a nurse who treated her, a hotel staffer, another woman at the event and Hegseth. Hegseth’s lawyer, Timothy Palatore, said the incident was “fully investigated and police found the allegations to be false.” Hegseth the threat of what he described as a baseless lawsuit, Palatore has said. Wicker played down the allegations against Hegseth, a former Fox News host, saying that “since no charges were brought from the authorities, we only have press reports.” Sen. Bill Hagerty, R-Tenn., said after his meeting with Hegseth that he "shared with him the fact that I was saddened by the attacks that are coming his way.” Hagerty dismissed the allegations as “a he-said, she-said thing” and called it a “shame” that they were being raised at all. The senator said attention should instead be focused on the Defense Department that Hegseth would head. It's one of the most complex parts of the federal government with more than 3 million employees, including military service members and civilians. Sexual assault has been a persistent problem in the military, though they are seeing a decline among active-duty service members and the military academies. Wyoming Sen. John Barrasso, who will be the No. 2 Republican in the Senate next year, said after his meeting with Hegseth that the nominee is a strong candidate who “pledged that the Pentagon will focus on strength and hard power – not the current administration’s woke political agenda.” Senate Republicans are under pressure to hold hearings once they take office in January and confirm nominees as soon as Trump is inaugurated, despite questions about whether Trump’s choices will be properly screened or if some, like Hegseth, have enough experience for the job. Senate Armed Services Chairman Jack Reed, who will be the top Democrat on the panel next year, said the reports on Hegseth “emphasized the need for a thorough investigation by the FBI on the background of all the nominees.” It takes a simple majority to approve Cabinet nominations, meaning that if Democrats all opposed a nominee, four Republican senators would also have to defect for any Trump choice to be defeated. Trump has made clear he’s willing to put maximum pressure on Senate Republicans to give him the nominees he wants – even suggesting at one point that they allow him to just appoint his nominees with no Senate votes. But senators insist, for now, that they are not giving up their constitutional power to have a say. “The president has the right to make the nominations that he sees fit, but the Senate also has a responsibility for advice and consent,” said Republican Sen. Mike Rounds of South Dakota. In the case of Gaetz, he said, “I think there was advice offered rather than consent.”

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"Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit, sed do eiusmod tempor incididunt ut labore et dolore magna aliqua. Ut enim ad minim veniam, quis nostrud exercitation ullamco laboris nisi ut aliquip ex ea commodo consequat. Duis aute irure dolor in reprehenderit in voluptate velit esse cillum dolore eu fugiat nulla pariatur. Excepteur sint occaecat cupidatat non proident, sunt in culpa qui officia deserunt mollit anim id est laborum." Section 1.10.32 of "de Finibus Bonorum et Malorum", written by Cicero in 45 BC "Sed ut perspiciatis unde omnis iste natus error sit voluptatem accusantium doloremque laudantium, totam rem aperiam, eaque ipsa quae ab illo inventore veritatis et quasi architecto beatae vitae dicta sunt explicabo. Nemo enim ipsam voluptatem quia voluptas sit aspernatur aut odit aut fugit, sed quia consequuntur magni dolores eos qui ratione voluptatem sequi nesciunt. Neque porro quisquam est, qui dolorem ipsum quia dolor sit amet, consectetur, adipisci velit, sed quia non numquam eius modi tempora incidunt ut labore et dolore magnam aliquam quaerat voluptatem. Ut enim ad minima veniam, quis nostrum exercitationem ullam corporis suscipit laboriosam, nisi ut aliquid ex ea commodi consequatur? Quis autem vel eum iure reprehenderit qui in ea voluptate velit esse quam nihil molestiae consequatur, vel illum qui dolorem eum fugiat quo voluptas nulla pariatur?" 1914 translation by H. Rackham "But I must explain to you how all this mistaken idea of denouncing pleasure and praising pain was born and I will give you a complete account of the system, and expound the actual teachings of the great explorer of the truth, the master-builder of human happiness. No one rejects, dislikes, or avoids pleasure itself, because it is pleasure, but because those who do not know how to pursue pleasure rationally encounter consequences that are extremely painful. Nor again is there anyone who loves or pursues or desires to obtain pain of itself, because it is pain, but because occasionally circumstances occur in which toil and pain can procure him some great pleasure. To take a trivial example, which of us ever undertakes laborious physical exercise, except to obtain some advantage from it? But who has any right to find fault with a man who chooses to enjoy a pleasure that has no annoying consequences, or one who avoids a pain that produces no resultant pleasure?" 1914 translation by H. Rackham "But I must explain to you how all this mistaken idea of denouncing pleasure and praising pain was born and I will give you a complete account of the system, and expound the actual teachings of the great explorer of the truth, the master-builder of human happiness. No one rejects, dislikes, or avoids pleasure itself, because it is pleasure, but because those who do not know how to pursue pleasure rationally encounter consequences that are extremely painful. Nor again is there anyone who loves or pursues or desires to obtain pain of itself, because it is pain, but because occasionally circumstances occur in which toil and pain can procure him some great pleasure. To take a trivial example, which of us ever undertakes laborious physical exercise, except to obtain some advantage from it? But who has any right to find fault with a man who chooses to enjoy a pleasure that has no annoying consequences, or one who avoids a pain that produces no resultant pleasure?" To keep reading, please log in to your account, create a free account, or simply fill out the form below.

I recently entered an Israeli consulate and submitted papers to formally renounce my citizenship. It was an unseasonably warm fall day and office workers on break were lounging by the pond in Boston Common. The night before had seen a particularly gruesome series of aerial attacks by Israel on refugee tent camps in Gaza. Even as Palestinians were still counting bodies or, in many cases, collecting what remained of loved ones, the suburban woman in front of me in line at the consulate cheerfully asked what brought me here today. Scholars, journalists and jurists around the world are keeping a detailed inventory of all the ways that Israel’s crimes since October 2023 amount to legally actionable war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. But the story extends far beyond the horrors of the past year. Citizenship, of the kind I hold, has been a material piece of a long-standing genocidal process. The Israeli state, from its inception, has relied on the normalization of ethnically determined supremacist laws to bolster a military regime whose clear colonial goal is the elimination of Palestine. At the top of the form that I’d brought to the consulate that day is a citation of the Citizenship Law of 1952, the legal basis upon which my status was conferred at birth. My reason for renouncing this status is indeed directly linked to that law — or rather, to the situation on the ground in the 1950s, the Nakba context, which shaped this law. In 1949, in the months after armistice agreements were signed, ostensibly ending the 1948 war, the Zionist settlers, having managed to massacre and expel three-fourths of the Indigenous Palestinian population in territories now under their control, began to look for ways to secure their militarized garrison state. Their most pressing concern: to ensure that Palestinians who’d been pushed out of their ancestral villages and farms would never return; that their lands would pass into the legal possession of the new state, ready to be occupied by coming waves of Jewish immigrants from abroad. Over 500 Palestinian villages and cities had been hollowed out within that year, and now it was time to erase them from the map forever. Though it would take many more decades for the settler state to formally acknowledge that it was a de jure Jewish supremacist entity, the practice of ethnic cleansing was baked into the military, social and legal strategy of the state. This was always intended to be a Jewish state engineered to create and maintain a Jewish majority in a land that had been 90 percent non-Jewish before the Zionists arrived in large numbers in the early decades of the 20th century. The effort to complete the process of ethnic cleansing, however, would indeed require aggressive engineering, and, given stiff Indigenous resistance, would never succeed. The arbitrarily drawn borders were still porous in 1949, and the rural territories under Zionist occupation rule were still far from fully in their control. Palestinians, newly refugees, were living in tents only miles from their homes. Many were surviving on a single meager meal a day, and they were determined, after the armistice, to return to their homes and their crops. Some tried to operate within the hastily imposed new colonial legal system. They appealed to the new entity’s “Declaration of Independence” that claimed equal rights for all. But this document had no legal standing and was designed as a propaganda piece intended to curry international acceptance within the new United Nations. An application for membership to the UN, submitted by this new entity calling itself the “State of Israel,” had already been rejected once, and the Zionist leadership was scrambling to give their re-application an air of legitimacy. A token nod to Palestinians’ rights, they hoped, would give political cover for this decidedly illiberal state to join the emerging, U.S.-dominated international order. Regardless of what the state’s propaganda machine was pushing abroad, the situation on the ground was a clear-cut case of ethnic cleansing. For nearly the next decade, Zionist settlers used every means of force to sever the connection between Indigenous Palestinians and their lands. In April 1949, they adopted a “free fire” policy, in which thousands of so-called infiltrators — that is, Indigenous Palestinians walking back to homes they’d inhabited for generations — could be, and often were, shot on sight. The state created concentration camps through large round-ups of villagers and farmers. From these camps, masses of Palestinians were deported across the “border” where they would be shunted into growing refugee encampments in Jordan and Lebanon, and in Egyptian-ruled Gaza. This is how Gaza came to be the most densely populated piece of land on Earth. Recall that scenes like this were occurring post-armistice , that is, after the 1948 war was supposedly over. This was part of a deliberate post-war strategy that used ceasefires as cover to secure an ethnically cleansed territory, a pattern that would be repeated for decades. The goal was clearly articulated from the outset: to remove Palestinians from their lands forever, to weaken the stake of those who remained, and to erase Palestine in both concept and material reality. This was the context in which the state’s citizenship laws of the early 1950s were enacted – first, the Law of Return in 1950, which granted citizenship to any Jew in the world; and then its elaboration in 1952 Citizenship Law, which nullified any existing citizenship status held by Palestinians. The state’s re-configuring of citizenship along the lines of Jewish supremacy would be its key constitutional principle. The effect of this sweeping legislation, enforced by a brutal armed occupation force on the ground, “rendered settlers indigenous, and produced Palestinian natives as alien,” writes scholar Lana Tatour . This legal framework wasn’t a failure of policy, Tatour notes, but rather it was “doing what it was created to do: normalize domination, naturalize settler sovereignty, classify populations, produce difference, and exclude, racialize, and eliminate indigenous peoples.” Nineteen years after this Citizenship Law of 1952 was enacted, my parents moved from the U.S. to Jerusalem and were granted citizenship and full rights under the “Law of Return.” Out of a youthful naivete that would deepen into willful ignorance, they managed to become both American liberals who opposed the U.S. invasion of Vietnam, while also acting as armed settlers of another people’s land. They moved into a Jerusalem neighborhood that had been ethnically cleansed only a few years earlier. They occupied a home built and recently inhabited by a Palestinian family whose community was expelled to Jordan and then violently barred from returning at the barrel of a gun — and by the citizenship papers my family held in their hands. This 1-to-1 replacement was not a secret. People like my family lived in these quarters precisely because it was an “Arab house,” proudly advertised as such for its elegant, high-ceilinged design in opposition to the drably utilitarian, haphazardly constructed apartment blocks of the settler Zionists. I was born in the ethnically cleansed Palestinian village of Ayn Karim, much prized for possessing all the native Arab charm with none of the actual native Arabs to unsettle the pretty picture. My father was in the Israeli military, from which he and many of his friends emerged, after the monstrous invasion of Lebanon in 1982, liberal proponents of “peace.” But to them, that word still meant living in a Jewish-majority country; it was a “peace” in which the original sin of the state, the ongoing process of ethnic cleansing, would remain firmly in place, legitimated and thereby more secure than ever. They sought peace, in other words, for Jews with Israeli citizenship, but for Palestinians, “peace” meant full surrender, a permanent occupation and exile. All of this is to say: I don’t regard my decision to renounce this citizenship as an effort to reverse a legal status as much as it is an acknowledgement that this status never held any legitimacy to begin with. Israeli citizenship law is predicated on the worst kinds of violent crimes we know of, and on a deepening litany of lies intended to whitewash those crimes. The look of officialdom, the trappings of lawful governance, with their seals of the Ministry of the Interior, testify to nothing other than this state’s slippery effort to conceal its fundamental unlawfulness. These are forged documents. They are, more importantly, a blunt instrument used to continually displace actual living people, families, entire populations of the land’s Indigenous inhabitants. In its genocidal campaign to erase Palestine’s Indigenous people, the state has weaponized my very existence, my birth and identity — and those of so many others. The wall that keeps Palestinians from returning home is constituted as much by identity papers as by concrete slabs. Our job must be to remove those concrete slabs, to rip up the phony papers, and to disrupt the narratives that make these structures of oppression and injustice appear legitimate or, god forbid, inevitable. To those who will breathlessly invoke the talking point that Jews “have a right to self-determination,” I will only say that if such a right does exist, it cannot possibly involve the invasion, occupation and ethnic cleansing of another people. Nobody has that right. Moreover, one can think of a few European countries that owe land and reparations to their persecuted Jews. The Palestinian people, however, never owed Jews anything for the crimes committed by European antisemitism, nor do they today. My personal belief, like many of my 20th century ancestors, is that Jewish liberation is inseparable from broad social movements. That is why so many Jews were socialists in pre-war Europe, and why many of us connect to that tradition today. As an observant Jew, I believe the Torah is radical in its contention that Jewish people, or any people, have no right at all to any land, but rather are bound by rigorous ethical responsibilities. Indeed, if the Torah has one single message, it’s that if you oppress the widow and the orphan, if you deal corruptly in government-sanctioned greed and violence, and if you acquire land and wealth at the expense of regular people, you will be cast out by the God of righteousness. The Torah is routinely waved around by land-worshipping nationalists as though it were a deed of ownership, but, if actually read, it is a record of prophetic rebuke against the abuse of state power. The only entity with sovereign rights, according to the Torah, is the God of justice, the God who despises the usurper and the occupier. Zionism has nothing to do with Judaism or Jewish history other than that its leaders have long seen in these deep sources a series of powerfully mobilizing narratives with which to push their colonial agenda — and it is that colonial agenda alone that we must address. The constant efforts to evoke the history of Jewish victimhood in order to justify or to simply distract from the actions of an economic and military powerhouse would be positively laughable if they weren’t so cynically weaponized and deadly. Zionist colonization cannot be reformed or liberalized: Its existential identity, as expressed in its citizenship laws and repeated openly by those citizens, amounts to a commitment to genocide. Calls for arms embargoes, as well as for boycotts, divestment and sanctions, are commonsense demands. But they are not a political vision. Decolonization is. It is both the path and the destination. We all must orient our organizing accordingly. It’s already happening. A different reality is already being built by a broad, energetic and hopeful movement of people from all over the world who know that the only ethical future is a free Palestine, liberated from colonial domination. The way we get there is through a globally supported but ultimately local liberation movement led by Palestinians, a movement whose politics and tactics are determined by Palestinians. This liberation will come about through a diversity of tactics, whatever is called for in different situations — including armed resistance, a universally acknowledged right of any occupied people. Decolonization starts with listening to and answering the calls of Palestinian organizers to develop a decolonizing consciousness and practice, to remove material structures that have been placed between Palestinians and their land, and to reverse the normalization of these arbitrary barriers. Decolonization of citizenship also means understanding the material connection between Israeli settler colonialism and other forms of it across the globe. It is well-known that the U.S. supplies endless arms and political capital to its colonial ally; less known is that Australia’s conception of anti-Indigenous jurisprudence served as a legal model for Israel. The struggle for a liberated Palestine is linked to the struggle of Indigenous Land Back movements everywhere. My single citizenship is but one brick in that wall. Nevertheless, it is a brick. And it must be physically removed. Those who occupy my exact position are invited to join a growing and supportive network of people who are divesting of their citizenship as part of a larger decolonizing practice. Those who aren’t in that position should take other steps. If you live in occupied Palestine, join the draft resistance movement and turn it into something with teeth. Fight to decolonize and revolutionize the labor movement and turn it into the lever of anti-state power it ought to be. Join the Palestinian-led resistance. If you cannot do these things, leave and resist from abroad. Take material steps to dismantle this colonial edifice, to disrupt the narrative that says this is normal, that this is the future. This is not our future. Palestine will be liberated. But only when we commit, right now, to the practices of liberation.

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DEIR AL-BALAH, Gaza Strip — Israeli airstrikes in Yemen on Thursday targeted the Houthi rebel-held capital of Sanaa and the port city of Hodeida, and the World Health Organization’s director-general said the bombardment occurred as he was about to board a flight in Sanaa, injuring a crew member. “The air traffic control tower, the departure lounge — just a few meters from where we were — and the runway were damaged,” Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus said on X, adding that he and WHO colleagues were safe. “We will need to wait for the damage to the airport to be repaired before we can leave.” He didn’t mention the source of the bombardment. The Israeli strikes followed several days of Houthi launches setting off sirens in Israel. The Israeli military said it attacked infrastructure used by the Houthis at the international airport in Sanaa and ports at Hodeida, Al-Salif and Ras Qantib along with power stations. It didn’t immediately respond to questions about Tedros’ statement. The latest strikes came a day after Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said that “the Houthis too will learn what Hamas and Hezbollah and Assad’s regime and others learned.” Netanyahu monitored the new strikes along with military leaders, his government said. The Iran-backed Houthis’ media outlet confirmed the strikes in a Telegram post but gave no immediate details. The U.S. military also has targeted the Houthis in Yemen in recent days. The United Nations has noted that the ports are important entryways for humanitarian aid. Over the weekend, 16 people were wounded when a Houthi missile hit a playground in Tel Aviv. Last week, Israeli jets struck Sanaa and Hodeida, killing nine people, calling it a response to previous Houthi attacks. The Houthis also have been targeting shipping on the Red Sea corridor, calling it solidarity with Palestinians in Gaza. 5 journalists killed in Gaza Meanwhile, an Israeli strike killed five Palestinian journalists outside a hospital in the Gaza Strip overnight, the territory’s Health Ministry said. The Israeli military said that all were militants posing as reporters. The strike hit a car outside Al-Awda Hospital in the built-up Nuseirat refugee camp in central Gaza. The journalists were working for the local news outlet Al-Quds Today, a television channel affiliated with the Islamic Jihad militant group. Islamic Jihad is a smaller and more extreme ally of Hamas and took part in the Oct. 7, 2023, attack in southern Israel, which ignited the war. The Israeli military identified four of the men as combat propagandists and said that intelligence, including a list of Islamic Jihad operatives found by soldiers in Gaza, had confirmed that all five were affiliated with the group. Hamas, Islamic Jihad and other Palestinian militant groups operate political, media and charitable operations in addition to their armed wings. Associated Press footage showed the incinerated shell of a van, with press markings visible on the back doors. Sobbing young men attended the funeral outside the hospital. The bodies were wrapped in shrouds, with blue press vests draped over them. The Committee to Protect Journalists says that more than 130 Palestinian reporters have been killed since the start of the war. Israel hasn’t allowed foreign reporters to enter Gaza except on military embeds. Israel has banned the pan-Arab Al Jazeera network and accused six of its Gaza reporters of being militants. The Qatar-based broadcaster denies the allegations and accuses Israel of trying to silence its war coverage, which has focused heavily on civilian casualties from Israeli military operations. Another Israeli soldier killed Separately, Israel’s military said that a 35-year-old reserve soldier was killed during fighting in central Gaza early Thursday. A total of 389 soldiers have been killed in Gaza since the start of the ground operation more than a year ago. The war began when Hamas-led militants stormed across the border in an attack on nearby army bases and farming communities. They killed around 1,200 people, mostly civilians, and abducted around 250. About 100 hostages are still inside Gaza, at least a third believed to be dead. Israel’s air and ground offensive has killed more than 45,000 Palestinians, according to the Health Ministry. It says more than half the fatalities have been women and children, but doesn’t say how many of the dead were fighters. Israel says it has killed more than 17,000 militants, without providing evidence. The offensive has caused widespread destruction and driven around 90% of the population of 2.3 million from their homes. Hundreds of thousands are packed into squalid tent camps along the coast, with little protection from the cold, wet winter. Also Thursday, people mourned eight Palestinians killed by Israeli military operations in and around the city of Tulkarem in the occupied West Bank on Tuesday, according to the Palestinian Health Ministry. The Israeli military said that it opened fire after militants attacked soldiers, and it was aware of uninvolved civilians who were harmed in the raid.

From Philly and the Pa. suburbs to South Jersey and Delaware, what would you like WHYY News to cover? Let us know! Preparing a Thanksgiving meal may be cost-prohibitive and overwhelming for families experiencing food insecurity. Three Philadelphia organizations are working to provide a Thanksgiving meal to those in need just days before the holiday — The International People’s Storehouse (TIPS), Tipsy Cafe and Catering and House of Glory. Mothers of Philadelphia Eagles players plan to help make the meals memorable at the TIPS frozen turkey giveaway in Nicetown called the Joy of Giving. “Nice things come out of Nicetown. I understand what it means to be poor and struggling,” said Nikki Bagby , TIPS chief executive officer and founder. She shared she understands the challenges of working-class families. Bagby decided to host the event in the evening to support families after work. Philly’s immigrant and refugee populations remain ‘thankful together’ during Thanksgiving celebration “We know the future will be better because you are sharing the present with us,” said HIAS’ executive director. 7 hours ago The Joy of Giving Thanksgiving Giveaway at TIPS features free turkeys and food in Nicetown on Tuesday, Nov. 26 at Nicetown Courts, 4340 Germantown Ave., from 5 to 8 p.m. The mothers of Philadelphia Eagles players Nakobe Dean, Kelee Ringo, Jordan Davis, Jalen Carter and Nolan Smith will be greeting families. TIPS organizers expect to give away 200 Thanksgiving baskets. The event is co-sponsored by iHeart Radio’s Rise & Grind Team, Gift of Life, Nicetown CDC, NKM Consulting, Auntie’s Place and Serve PHL. Tipsy Cafe and Catering celebrates five years of providing free turkey meals to the local community. Anh Vongbandith, co-owner of Tipsy Cafe and Catering, plans to feed up to 400 people on Wednesday, Nov. 27 at 5227 Germantown Ave. from 11 a.m. to 3 p.m. She credits her upbringing as inspiring her work. “Growing up in Hawaii we were very poor, and food sensitivity was an issue and this is my way of giving back,” Vongbandith said. “Many people grab food for neighbors, elderly also.” The meal giveaway includes hot to-go dinner plates with turkey, mashed potatoes and gravy, stuffing, cranberry and a side of corn. Vongbandith hopes the public will catch the giving spirit. She is still accepting turkey donations as well as canned goods and side dishes. The deadline to drop off food donations is noon on Tuesday. The third annual House of Glory Community Thanksgiving takes place Wednesday, Nov. 27 at 5227 Germantown Ave. from 11 a.m. to 3 p.m. Guests are welcome to dine in or take their food to go. Guests will be treated to hot meals, clothes, toiletries and pantry items. Also, health and wellness resources will be available. Donations are accepted prior to the event. These free Thanksgiving meal opportunities help curb food insecurities . The city of Philadelphia aims to address hunger with free meal listings that connect citizens to available meals year round. Details are available at phila.gov on the city’s food and meal finder where residents can learn where to acquire meals, supplemental food and apply for public benefits or social services. Never miss a moment with the WHYY Listen App! Play, pause, and rewind the live radio stream, access on-demand audio features, and dive into podcasts from both local and national sources. WHYY is your source for fact-based, in-depth journalism and information. As a nonprofit organization, we rely on financial support from readers like you. Please give today.

Lea en español For many people, this time of year is all about the shopping. And there's a fair chance many feel less than joyful about the prospect. If fulfilling your lengthy list feels overwhelming, learning what brain science and evolutionary psychology say about shopping and gift-giving might help you understand exactly why you're stressed – and even point you toward a healthier, happier holiday season. Our reactions are encoded into our nervous system, said Dr. Beth Frates, a part-time associate professor in the department of physical medicine and rehabilitation at Harvard Medical School in Boston. "By understanding these brain responses, people can develop strategies to manage stress better, such as setting realistic expectations, focusing on mindfulness and simplifying holiday preparations," said Frates, who also is the immediate past president of the American College of Lifestyle Medicine. The idea of exchanging gifts at this time of year can be traced back to pagan solstice celebrations. But the drive to share with another is as old as humanity itself, said Dr. Diego Guevara Beltran, a postdoctoral fellow in psychology at the University of Arizona in Tucson who studies cooperation and generosity. The science of generosity is more about survival than stocking stuffers, Guevara Beltran said. Sharing food gave early humans an evolutionary advantage. "Generosity is just one of the ways by which we can accumulate resources, be it wealth itself or friendships or work partners or more attractive, more intelligent mates," he said. Sharing with other people, Guevara Beltran said, is "a signal that communicates how much you value them, their welfare, your relationship with them." Research has shown that helping people makes us feel good. Part of that, he said, is because when someone is part of a community, they feel protected. One way this manifests is through the act of giving gifts. But to derive happiness from gift-giving, the giver needs to feel both that it was not an obligation and that it was effective, according to the 2019 World Happiness Report . That means it could be stressful to be in a culture where gift-giving feels mandatory, or if we can't see that a gift helped someone, Guevara Beltran speculated. It also might be stressful if gift-giving becomes a competition to show that you care about somebody more than the others around them. Our brains on shopping Stressful shopping can cause several physiological responses to kick in, Frates said. First is the "fight or flight" reaction that comes with stress. The release of chemicals that increase our heart rate, raise our blood pressure and intensify our breathing evolved to give us bursts of energy to escape danger. Frates said that while holiday stressors are not life-threatening, they can still trigger the stress response. The pressure to stay within budget could create a sense of scarcity, she said. "This taps into an evolutionary response, where the fear of losing resources like money can feel urgent and distressing." The holiday season also involves a lot of choices. "The brain has limited capacity for decision-making, and making multiple decisions can lead to decision fatigue," Frates said. "This fatigue reduces the ability to self-regulate and cope, which can lead to heightened stress responses when confronted with even minor setbacks, like a long line or out-of-stock item." The stress of needing to complete tasks within a limited time can intensify the fight-or-flight response, she said, as the brain interprets the ticking clock as a sense of urgency or threat. Meanwhile, Frates said, holiday shopping can also trigger brain chemicals that affect our feelings. "Dopamine, a neurotransmitter associated with pleasure and reward, is released when we anticipate something exciting or enjoyable, like finding a great gift or finding a good deal," she said. "This anticipation can feel rewarding even before any actual purchase is made." For some people, this dopamine boost can make shopping a relaxing experience. "It provides a temporary distraction from other stressors and allows them to focus on something positive, creating a 'holiday high,'" Frates said. For some people, that can be problematic. "When shopping becomes a way to chase that next dopamine hit, it can lead to excessive spending or impulsive purchases," she said. "This can become a trap, particularly during the holidays, when deals, sales and gift-giving pressures are everywhere." Understanding how all these processes work can help people recognize why they feel the way they do and adopt strategies to cope, Frates said. Here are some of her suggestions. 1. Start with self-care before shopping Prioritizing self-care means people can be their best selves and make good decisions, Frates said. So, "eat food that is delicious and nutritious. Get seven to nine hours of sleep. Make sure to enjoy physical activity. Take walks when you can and invite friends along. Practice stress reduction like meditation or yoga to help you calm your body and mind." Before going shopping, try taking deep breaths using stress-relieving techniques such as 4-7-8 breathing (inhale through your nose for four counts, hold for seven counts, and exhale through your mouth for eight) or box breathing (inhale through the nose for four counts, hold your breath for four, exhale for four, then hold for four). 2. Be strategic Don't shop when you're hungry, tired, lonely or stressed, Frates said. And don't start shopping 15 minutes before a store closes or a website's online deals end, she said. That's setting yourself up for triggering the fight-or-flight response. 3. Be mindful Before making a purchase, take a moment to consider whether it's truly needed or whether it's an impulsive choice. To avoid overindulging, set a specific budget or limit yourself to a couple of hours or specific shopping days. "This keeps dopamine-driven spending in check while still allowing for the enjoyable aspects of holiday shopping," Frates said. Look for post-shopping activities that provide rewards without the financial cost. That can satisfy your brain's desire for more dopamine in a healthier way. "Plan enjoyable, stress-relieving activities after shopping, like going for a walk, spending time with friends or indulging in a hobby," she said. 4. Bring a friend Not only does this support healthy social connections, Frates said, but if things start feeling stressful, "you have a buddy, and you have a support system right there for you." 5. Rethink the focus of the season "With gift-giving, we need to change mindsets in order to be able to manage the stress," Frates said. The holidays could be used to emphasize social connections, she said. "Thinking about the connection with the person and making gift-giving more about deepening the connection than anything else, I think, will really help to reduce the stress around the process," she said. So instead of scouring shops and websites for the "perfect" gift, think about making a meaningful and personal one, she suggested. It could be a poem, a painting, a song or a framed photograph that captured a special time. 6. Lessons for children It's easy to get caught up in the hunt for a hard-to-get item, Frates said. But ask yourself what the holiday means in your family's traditions. "Is it about getting that perfect gift for the child? Or is it about celebrating the meaning of that holiday?" So instead of having children ask for one specific toy, or a specific brand of clothing, teach them to leave a little leeway on their lists. "It is a good reminder to express to children that this season is about giving and sharing what we can in the best way that we can," she said, "and sometimes the exact gift is not available." Encouraging such an attitude can be a tall order, Frates said, but it's a place to start. "A simple mindset shift could be the difference between a stressful holiday shopping season or a joyful journey to find meaningful gifts for people you care about." American Heart Association News covers heart and brain health. Not all views expressed in this story reflect the official position of the American Heart Association. Copyright is owned or held by the American Heart Association, Inc., and all rights are reserved. Sign up here to get the latest health & fitness updates in your inbox every week!

A Wall Street Analyst Who Correctly Predicted the Stock Market Collapse in 2022 Has a New Price Target for the S&P 500 Index -- and It May Surprise You

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Dan Bongino reacts to Geraldo Rivera’s ‘fight’ challenge: ‘Do I have a punchable face?!’

President Joe Biden said he’ll order a state funeral in Washington for Jimmy Carter, calling the former Democratic president who died Sunday “an extraordinary leader, statesman and humanitarian.” While the White House didn’t immediately announce specific plans, state funerals for presidents usually include lying in state at the US Capitol and a memorial service at the Washington National Cathedral. The US stock market has traditionally closed on the day of presidential funerals. No announcement has been made as of yet by exchange overseers. Biden, President-elect Donald Trump and former President Barack Obama were among those paying tribute to Middle East peace efforts and a long post-presidential run of humanitarian work by Carter, who died at age 100 at his home in Plains, Georgia. Obama drew an arc from Carter teaching Sunday school at the Maranatha Baptist Church in Plains “for most of his adult life” and the Camp David Accords to the former president’s appointing Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the federal bench, launching her path to the US Supreme Court. “He believed some things were more important than reelection – things like integrity, respect, and compassion,” Obama said in a statement. Biden’s statement, issued during his year-end vacation in the US Virgin Islands, included a tribute to Carter’s efforts to “eradicate disease, forge peace, advance civil rights and human rights, promote free and fair elections, house the homeless, and always advocate for the least among us.” Trump said Carter was a “truly good man” who “worked hard to make America a better place, and for that I give him my highest respect.” “While I strongly disagreed with him philosophically and politically, I also realized that he truly loved and respected our Country, and all it stands for,” Trump said on his Truth Social platform. Trump frequently brought up Carter during the 2024 election campaign, seeking to use him as reference point for Biden’s presidency. “Biden is the worst president in the history of our country, worse than Jimmy Carter by a long shot,” Trump said at a campaign stop in Manhattan in April. “Jimmy Carter is happy because he has had a brilliant presidency compared to Biden.” During Trump’s first term in office, Carter criticized Trump, at one point accusing him in a 2018 CBS interview of being “careless with the truth.” Both Carter and his wife attended Trump’s inauguration in 2017. Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger — a Republican who clashed with Trump over the state’s 2020 presidential election result — called Carter “a true-servant leader.” This article was generated from an automated news agency feed without modifications to text.

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