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Bank of America signs again with FIFA for US-hosted Club World Cup that still has no TV dealsENGLEWOOD, Colo. — Greg Dulcich went from the Broncos' future to their past far quicker than either could have anticipated. The Broncos waived their once promising tight end Monday, less than three years after he was the team's third-round draft pick out of UCLA. The impetus for the move is the Broncos have two players on their injury lists who are ready to return. The deadline for activating outside linebacker Drew Sanders from the physically unable to perform list is Wednesday. Sanders was a third-round draft pick last year out of Arkansas. He has been out since blowing out his Achilles at the start of the team's offseason conditioning program in mid-April. Even if Sanders is not deemed up to speed to help on game day for a few more weeks, he is the type of promising prospect who would benefit from continued practice time. The Broncos also have veteran receiver Josh Reynolds on injured reserve with a fractured finger. Reynolds was initially thought to have a four-week injury, but it's now been seven weeks. His return was delayed first by the fact he was a victim in a drive-by shooting on Oct. 18 (he suffered minor physical injuries) and then the continued emergence of rookie receivers Devaughn Vele and Troy Franklin. Dulcich's stay with the Broncos was doomed at the start by what became a chronic hamstring injury. He missed the first five games of his rookie 2022 season because of the hamstring issue, then made a spectacular NFL debut in game six when he caught a 39-yard touchdown pass from Russell Wilson in a 19-16 loss at the Los Angeles Chargers. Dulcich had 33 catches for 411 yards and two touchdowns in 10 games his rookie season, missing the final two games because of the recurring hamstring issue. Dulcich had a fantastic offseason in 2023 for new head coach Sean Payton, who thought he had his guy for the "Joker" position. But Dulcich popped the hamstring again in the Broncos' season opener, sat out the next four games, then suffered another injury to his hammy again upon his return. Built like a Greek God with long, flowing curly hair, Dulcich was instructed to change his running gait prior to this year as the thought was his toe-heel pronate running style could have put stress on his hamstring. Dulcich did seem to put the hamstring issue behind him and was the Broncos' "receiving" tight end to start the season, catching five passes for 28 yards. All that missed time, though, crimped the quick-twitch athleticism that made him such a promising prospect. He dropped two passes in game three against Tampa Bay, played one more game, then was benched and replaced by Lucas Krull. Dulcich had been inactive since after the Broncos' game four win against the New York Jets. The Broncos tried to trade Dulcich during the NFL trading deadline period last month but found no takers. That doesn't mean he won't draw interest on the waiver wire where teams can put in a claim without compensation to the Broncos. Dulcich has $390,424 remaining on his contract this year and a non-guaranteed $1.673 million next year, If he clears waivers at 2 p.m. Tuesday he will become a free agent.Trump taps Charles Kushner, father of his son-in-law, as envoy to France
AP Business SummaryBrief at 3:54 p.m. ESTTwo former MLAs of YSRCP quit party
Luigi Mangione, the alleged killer of UnitedHealthcare's CEO, mentioned filmmaker Michael Moore in his manifesto as an example of someone who has "illuminated the corruption and greed" of the United States health system. Moore investigated the health care industry in his 2007 film Sicko . In Mangione's manifesto, he wrote, "Many have illuminated the corruption and greed (e.g.: Rosenthal, Moore), decades ago and the problems simply remain." Newsweek reached out to Moore for comment via email on Thursday. What has Michael Moore said about the UnitedHealthcare CEO shooting? Three days before Mangione was charged with the murder of UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson in New York, Moore wrote on his Substack about the killing. In a December 6 post, two days after Thompson's death, Moore spoke about both gun violence and the American health care system. He wrote, "Each year nearly 50,000 Americans are killed by gun violence. And each year over 100,000 Americans die from infections they pick up when they visit or check into our nation's health care facilities. How is this possible in the 21st century in the wealthiest nation on Earth?" Moore cited a statistic from the medical journal The Lancet , writing, "13% of Americans have a family member or friend who have died in the last 5 years because they simply couldn't afford medical treatment." A 2019 Gallup and West Health poll reported similar findings, with about 34 million people affected. UnitedHealthcare is the largest single health carrier in the U.S. In 2023, it had the highest rates of claim denial compared to other plans by Cigna, Blue Cross Blue Shield, Aetna, and others. "While the gun deaths will make headlines if it's a mass shooting at a school or a church, or if it's the assassination of a multi-millionaire CEO in New York, the 186 who will die today due to a broken healthcare system, one that is run primarily by insurance men, we will not hear one word about that tonight, their names shall never be mentioned," Moore wrote. He continued: "No other industrialized country on Earth so willingly and heartlessly lets a few large corporations literally decide who shall live and who shall die — a decision that is based solely on profit motive." He then shared a clip from Sicko . He has not authored another Substack or any social media posts about the shooting since Mangione has been identified. What is Moore's' Sicko' documentary about? Sicko examines the American health insurance and pharmaceutical industry. It compares the U.S. health system to universal care systems in Canada, the United Kingdom, France and Cuba. The nearly 2-hour long film explores the politics of universal health coverage proposals in the U.S. and connections to pharmaceutical companies. The film has a 91 percent rating on review aggregator Rotten Tomatoes and received various awards, including a nomination in 2008 for Best Documentary Feature at the Academy Awards. What does "deny," "depose," and "defend" mean? Three bullet casings found by police at the scene of Thompson's killing had words related to the health insurance industry inscribed "deny," "defend," and "depose." The words are believed to be related to law professor Jay Feinman's 2010 book Delay , Deny, Defend: Why Insurance Companies Don't Pay Claims and What You Can Do About It . The book argues that some companies in the insurance industry are actively denying legitimate claims. Just before midnight the day of the assassination, a new meme coin called "Deny. Defend. Depose." was launched. Meme coins are a form of cryptocurrency typically created as a joke or prank, in contrast to more serious online currencies such as Bitcoin and Ethereum.Darius Tahir | (TNS) KFF Health News President-elect Donald Trump’s choice to run the sprawling government agency that administers Medicare, Medicaid, and the Affordable Care Act marketplace — celebrity doctor Mehmet Oz — recently held broad investments in health care, tech, and food companies that would pose significant conflicts of interest. Oz’s holdings, some shared with family, included a stake in UnitedHealth Group worth as much as $600,000, as well as shares of pharmaceutical firms and tech companies with business in the health care sector, such as Amazon. Collectively, Oz’s investments total tens of millions of dollars, according to financial disclosures he filed during his failed 2022 run for a Pennsylvania U.S. Senate seat. Trump said Tuesday he would nominate Oz as administrator of the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services. The agency’s scope is huge: CMS oversees coverage for more than 160 million Americans, nearly half the population. Medicare alone accounts for approximately $1 trillion in annual spending, with over 67 million enrollees. UnitedHealth Group is one of the largest health care companies in the nation and arguably the most important business partner of CMS, through which it is the leading provider of commercial health plans available to Medicare beneficiaries. UnitedHealth also offers managed-care plans under Medicaid, the joint state-federal program for low-income people, and sells plans on government-run marketplaces set up via the Affordable Care Act. Oz also had smaller stakes in CVS Health, which now includes the insurer Aetna, and in the insurer Cigna. It’s not clear if Oz, a heart surgeon by training, still holds investments in health care companies, or if he would divest his shares or otherwise seek to mitigate conflicts of interest should he be confirmed by the Senate. Reached by phone on Wednesday, he said he was in a Zoom meeting and declined to comment. An assistant did not reply to an email message with detailed questions. “It’s obvious that over the years he’s cultivated an interest in the pharmaceutical industry and the insurance industry,” said Peter Lurie, president of the Center for Science in the Public Interest, a watchdog group. “That raises a question of whether he can be trusted to act on behalf of the American people.” (The publisher of KFF Health News, David Rousseau, is on the CSPI board .) Oz used his TikTok page on multiple occasions in November to praise Trump and Robert F. Kennedy Jr., including their efforts to take on the “illness-industrial complex,” and he slammed “so-called experts like the big medical societies” for dishing out what he called bad nutritional advice. Oz’s positions on health policy have been chameleonic; in 2010, he cut an ad urging Californians to sign up for insurance under President Barack Obama’s Affordable Care Act, telling viewers they had a “historic opportunity.” Oz’s 2022 financial disclosures show that the television star invested a substantial part of his wealth in health care and food firms. Were he confirmed to run CMS, his job would involve interacting with giants of the industry that have contributed to his wealth. Given the breadth of his investments, it would be difficult for Oz to recuse himself from matters affecting his assets, if he still holds them. “He could spend his time in a rocking chair” if that happened, Lurie said. In the past, nominees for government positions with similar potential conflicts of interest have chosen to sell the assets or otherwise divest themselves. For instance, Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen and Attorney General Merrick Garland agreed to divest their holdings in relevant, publicly traded companies when they joined the Biden administration. Trump, however, declined in his first term to relinquish control of his own companies and other assets while in office, and he isn’t expected to do so in his second term. He has not publicly indicated concern about his subordinates’ financial holdings. CMS’ main job is to administer Medicare. About half of new enrollees now choose Medicare Advantage, in which commercial insurers provide their health coverage, instead of the traditional, government-run program, according to an analysis from KFF, a health information nonprofit that includes KFF Health News. Proponents of Medicare Advantage say the private plans offer more compelling services than the government and better manage the costs of care. Critics note that Medicare Advantage plans have a long history of costing taxpayers more than the traditional program. UnitedHealth, CVS, and Cigna are all substantial players in the Medicare Advantage market. It’s not always a good relationship with the government. The Department of Justice filed a 2017 complaint against UnitedHealth alleging the company used false information to inflate charges to the government. The case is ongoing. Oz is an enthusiastic proponent of Medicare Advantage. In 2020, he proposed offering Medicare Advantage to all; during his Senate run, he offered a more general pledge to expand those plans. After Trump announced Oz’s nomination for CMS, Jeffrey Singer, a senior fellow at the libertarian-leaning Cato Institute, said he was “uncertain about Dr. Oz’s familiarity with health care financing and economics.” Singer said Oz’s Medicare Advantage proposal could require large new taxes — perhaps a 20% payroll tax — to implement. Oz has gotten a mixed reception from elsewhere in Washington. Pennsylvania Sen. John Fetterman, the Democrat who defeated Oz in 2022, signaled he’d potentially support his appointment to CMS. “If Dr. Oz is about protecting and preserving Medicare and Medicaid, I’m voting for the dude,” he said on the social platform X. Oz’s investments in companies doing business with the federal government don’t end with big insurers. He and his family also hold hospital stocks, according to his 2022 disclosure, as well as a stake in Amazon worth as much as nearly $2.4 million. (Candidates for federal office are required to disclose a broad range of values for their holdings, not a specific figure.) Amazon operates an internet pharmacy, and the company announced in June that its subscription service is available to Medicare enrollees. It also owns a primary care service , One Medical, that accepts Medicare and “select” Medicare Advantage plans. Oz was also directly invested in several large pharmaceutical companies and, through investments in venture capital funds, indirectly invested in other biotech and vaccine firms. Big Pharma has been a frequent target of criticism and sometimes conspiracy theories from Trump and his allies. Kennedy, whom Trump has said he’ll nominate to be Health and Human Services secretary, is a longtime anti-vaccine activist. During the Biden administration, Congress gave Medicare authority to negotiate with drug companies over their prices. CMS initially selected 10 drugs. Those drugs collectively accounted for $50.5 billion in spending between June 1, 2022, and May 31, 2023, under Medicare’s Part D prescription drug benefit. At least four of those 10 medications are manufactured by companies in which Oz held stock, worth as much as about $50,000. Related Articles National Politics | Special counsel moves to dismiss election interference and classified documents cases against Trump National Politics | Joe Biden begins final White House holiday season with turkey pardons for ‘Peach’ and ‘Blossom’ National Politics | Donald Trump Jr. emerges as a political force of his own as he helps his father launch a second term National Politics | The rising price of paying the national debt is a risk for Trump’s promises on growth and inflation National Politics | What to know about Brooke Rollins, Trump’s pick for agriculture secretary Oz may gain or lose financially from other Trump administration proposals. For example, as of 2022, Oz held investments worth as much as $6 million in fertility treatment providers. To counter fears that politicians who oppose abortion would ban in vitro fertilization, Trump floated during his campaign making in vitro fertilization treatment free. It’s unclear whether the government would pay for the services. In his TikTok videos from earlier in November, Oz echoed attacks on the food industry by Kennedy and other figures in his “Make America Healthy Again” movement. They blame processed foods and underregulation of the industry for the poor health of many Americans, concerns shared by many Democrats and more mainstream experts. But in 2022, Oz owned stakes worth as much as $80,000 in Domino’s Pizza, Pepsi, and US Foods, as well as more substantial investments in other parts of the food chain, including cattle; Oz reported investments worth as much as $5.5 million in a farm and livestock, as well as a stake in a dairy-free milk startup. He was also indirectly invested in the restaurant chain Epic Burger. One of his largest investments was in the Pennsylvania-based convenience store chain Wawa, which sells fast food and all manner of ultra-processed snacks. Oz and his wife reported a stake in the company, beloved by many Pennsylvanians, worth as much as $30 million. ©2024 KFF Health News. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.
Andrew Luck's Stanford return brings beloved parody social media account back to life | Sporting News
WASHINGTON (AP) — For years, Pat Verhaeghe didn’t think highly of Donald Trump as a leader. Then Verhaeghe began seeing more of Trump’s campaign speeches online and his appearances at sporting events. There was even the former president’s pairing with Bryson DeChambeau as part of the pro golfer’s YouTube channel series to shoot an under-50 round of golf while engaging in chitchat with his partner. “I regret saying this, but a while ago I thought he was an idiot and that he wouldn’t be a good president,” said the 18-year-old first-time voter. “I think he’s a great guy now.” Verhaeghe isn't alone among his friends in suburban Detroit or young men across America. Although much of the electorate shifted right to varying degrees in 2024, young men were one of the groups that swung sharply toward Trump. More than half of men under 30 supported Trump, according to AP VoteCast , a survey of more than 120,000 voters, while Democrat Joe Biden had won a similar share of this group four years earlier. White men under 30 were solidly in Trump’s camp this year — about 6 in 10 voted for Trump — while young Latino men were split between the two candidates. Most Black men under 30 supported Democrat Kamala Harris, but about one-third were behind Trump. Young Latino men’s views of the Democratic Party were much more negative than in 2020, while young Black men’s views of the party didn’t really move. About 6 in 10 Latino men under 30 had a somewhat or very favorable view of the Democrats in 2020, which fell to about 4 in 10 this year. On the other hand, about two-thirds of young Black men had a favorable view of the Democrats this year, which was almost identical to how they saw the party four years ago. “Young Hispanic men, and really young men in general, they want to feel valued," said Rafael Struve, deputy communications director for Bienvenido, a conservative group that focused on reaching young Hispanic voters for Republicans this year. “They're looking for someone who fights for them, who sees their potential and not just their struggles.” Struve cited the attempted assassination of Trump during a July rally in Pennsylvania as one of the catalyzing moments for Trump’s image among many young men. Trump, Struve said, was also able to reach young men more effectively by focusing on nontraditional platforms like podcasts and digital media outlets. “Getting to hear from Trump directly, I think, really made all the difference," Struve said of the former president's appearances on digital media platforms and media catering to Latino communities, like town halls and business roundtables Trump attended in Las Vegas and Miami. Not only did Trump spend three hours on Joe Rogan's chart-topping podcast, but he took up DeChambeau's “Break 50” challenge for the golfer's more than 1.6 million YouTube subscribers. Trump already had an edge among young white men four years ago, although he widened the gap this year. About half of white men under 30 supported Trump in 2020, and slightly less than half supported Biden. Trump's gains among young Latino and Black men were bigger. His support among both groups increased by about 20 percentage points, according to AP VoteCast — and their feelings toward Trump got warmer, too. It wasn’t just Trump. The share of young men who identified as Republicans in 2024 rose as well, mostly aligning with support for Trump across all three groups. “What is most alarming to me is that the election is clear that America has shifted right by a lot,” said William He, founder of Dream For America, a liberal group that works to turn out young voters and supported Harris’ presidential bid. With his bombastic demeanor and a policy agenda centered on a more macho understanding of culture , Trump framed much of his campaign as a pitch to men who felt scorned by the country’s economy, culture and political system. Young women also slightly swung toward the former president, though not to the degree of their male counterparts. It's unclear how many men simply did not vote this year. But there's no doubt the last four years brought changes in youth culture and how political campaigns set out to reach younger voters. Democrat Kamala Harris' campaign rolled out policy agendas tailored to Black and Latino men, and the campaign enlisted a range of leaders in Black and Hispanic communities to make the case for the vice president. Her campaign began with a flurry of enthusiasm from many young voters, epitomized in memes and the campaign's embrace of pop culture trends like the pop star Charli XCX's “brat” aesthetic . Democrats hoped to channel that energy into their youth voter mobilization efforts. “I think most young voters just didn’t hear the message,” said Santiago Mayer, executive director of Voters of Tomorrow, a liberal group that engages younger voters. Mayer said the Harris campaign’s pitch to the country was “largely convoluted” and centered on economic messaging that he said wasn’t easily conveyed to younger voters who were not already coming to political media. “And I think that the policies themselves were also very narrow and targeted when what we really needed was a simple, bold economic vision,” said Mayer. Trump also embraced pop culture by appearing at UFC fights, football games and appearing alongside comedians, music stars and social media influencers. His strategists believed that the former president’s ability to grab attention and make his remarks go viral did more for the campaign than paid advertisements or traditional media appearances. Trump's campaign also heavily cultivated networks of online conservative platforms and personalities supportive of him while also engaging a broader universe of podcasts, streaming sites, digital media channels and meme pages open to hearing him. “The right has been wildly successful in infiltrating youth political culture online and on campus in the last couple of years, thus radicalizing young people towards extremism,” said He, who cited conservative activist groups like Turning Point USA as having an outsize impact in online discourse. “And Democrats have been running campaigns in a very old fashioned way. The battleground these days is cultural and increasingly on the internet.” Republicans may lose their broad support if they don't deliver on improving Americans' lives, Struve cautioned. Young men, especially, may drift from the party in a post-Trump era if the party loses the president-elect's authenticity and bravado. Bienvenido, for one group, will double down in the coming years to solidify and accelerate the voting pattern shifts seen this year, Struve said. “We don’t want this to be a one and done thing,” he said. ___ Associated Press writer Joey Cappelletti in Lansing, Michigan, and AP polling editor Amelia Thomson-DeVeaux contributed to this report. Matt Brown, The Associated Press
