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Natixis Advisors LLC Has $3.84 Million Holdings in Balchem Co. (NASDAQ:BCPC)
NoneMax Verstappen chasing fourth straight F1 title in VegasAs we all know, women can do anything they want...and sometimes that includes giving others a taste of their own medicine — in the funniest way possible. If you've recently seen the viral #womeninmalefields trend (where women turn the tables on men in deliciously petty ways), get ready to cackle over these hilarious memes about daughters acting like their moms... Just check out #daughtersinmomfields on any social media platform, and you'll see dozens of hilarious memes and videos about women who've decided it's time to parent their moms. From blaming everything on that damn phone to being ever-so-slightly judgmental — here are 16 of the best "daughters in mom fields" memes that I literally can't stop laughing at: 1. mom complained about her head hurting, i replied its because she’s always on that damned phone #daughterinmomfields 2. Called my mom in the living room, she comes and asks what I want, I tell her to hand me the remote off the table that’s right in front of me #daughterinmomfields 😂😭 3. 4. my mom said I don’t call her enough so I said I must be the worst daughter ever #daughterinmomfields 5. Just ask my mother why she still in bed and it already after 10 #DaughterInMomFields 6. Instead of say I like or dislike your hair imma just ask if you like it #daughterinmomfields 7. told my mom she’ll regret saying that when i die #daughterinmomfields 8. 9. 10. When we argue and i hit her with « your behavior reminds me of your dad » #daughtersinmomsfield 11. sister just told my mom “okay miss attitude. just bc we have company does not give you an excuse to show your butt right now” #daughtersinmotherfields 12. staring at my moms face for an awkwardly long time asking if she did anything to her eyebrows #daughtersinmomfields 13. 14. when my mom complains abt how i do something so i say “or thank you?” #daughtersinmomfields 15. asked my momma to do sum she was already doing #daughterinmomfields 16. I told my mom to go to sleep early cuz she had work earlier in the morning #daughterinmomfields 😂😂😂😂😭
WASHINGTON — U.S. Sen. Joe Manchin bucked his party in 2021 when he refused to support a $1.8 trillion bill on taxes, social programs and clean energy, thus dooming President Joe Biden's "Build Back Better" initiative. Then this month, in one of his final actions as a member of Congress, he also bucked his party and voted against a nominee that would have continued the Democratic majority on the National Labor Relations Board once both he and Biden leave office. In between, Manchin played outsized roles in Biden's economic stimulus program and his infrastructure bill, as well as the smaller climate change and health care law that came out of the wreckage of Build Back Better. In exit interviews, Manchin, I-W.Va., said his former party had gone too far to the left and left him in a position he did not want — the one individual who could make or break legislation. "I did not run for that position," Manchin told the Washington Post. "I did not try to wedge myself in that and be the deciding vote." He said he made it clear once the Democrats won the trifecta of the White House, Senate and House in 2021 that he was not going to be a guaranteed "yes" vote. "I don't work for you," he said he told his colleagues, according to the Post interview. "You didn't hire me and you can't fire me. I work for the people of West Virginia on behalf of the United States government. That's who I have to answer to, and if this stuff doesn't make sense no matter how bad you want it, I can't vote for it." None of Biden's major accomplishments — the economic stimulus package, the infrastructure law, the climate change and health care measure, and the funding to bring manufacturing, including those of computer chips, back to the U.S. — would have passed without Manchin's vote. "Each of these victories required senators to come together from both sides of the aisle to find solutions for Americans," he said on the Senate floor earlier this month in his farewell speech. "These were bills that just made common sense. And when each side could take just a little step to find common ground, powerful things have happened." In his closing weeks as a senator, he touted funding in those bills for clean energy manufacturing in West Virginia coal communities, for a new hanger at a small West Virginia airport and for a carbon storage hub in the state. He singled out the Appalachian Regional Clean Hydrogen Hub (Arch2), which will receive up to $925 million in federal funding for projects in West Virginia, Pennsylvania, Ohio and Kentucky. "You can't eliminate your way to a cleaner environment, you can innovate it," Manchin said in his floor speech. "That's why we funded the development of regional hydrogen hubs and made sure one of them would be in the Appalachia region." His closing words on the Senate floor also talked about the need for lawmakers to work together, and his support for the filibuster that requires 60 votes — support from both parties — to pass legislation. But it didn't always work, he said. Popular legislation such as overhauling immigration laws and expanding background checks for guns failed, he said. "These opportunities were missed because we've let politics get in the way of doing our job," he said in his floor speech. "I am not saying that dealing with politics is easy. It's not. It's messy. I've had my share of tough votes. At times, I have felt like the whole Senate was united — in being upset with me. So sometimes I guess we did come together." Harsh words for Democrats Manchin officially left the Democratic Party in May and registered as an independent. He continued to caucus with his fellow Democrats until the end. But he's leaving office with some harsh words for the party he left behind. After all, he said, he wasn't the only person who left the Democratic Party. "The brand got so bad. The 'D' brand has been so maligned from the standpoint of — it's just — it's toxic," he said in the CNN interview. He said Democrats have been telling people what they have to believe in and what they have to do, no matter how outrageous. "The Democrat I grew up being, they wanted to make sure that people had an opportunity for a good job, a good pay," he told CNN. "I will protect you. Just don't try to mainstream it. And the Democratic Party, the Washington Democrats, have tried to mainstream the extreme. ...They have — they have basically, expanded upon thinking, well, we want to protect you there, but we're going to tell you how you should live your life." He never endorsed Vice President Kamala Harris for president in 2024, and said the election results showed that Americans didn't want someone on the left. He said it was "nuts" and "completely insane" to say Harris lost because she wasn't progressive enough. The problem was that her liberal voting record made it hard for her to pivot to the center in the fall campaign, he said, "They're saying if Kamala would have been who she always has been, pretty far to the left, it would have been better for her. That's crazy," Manchin told CNN. "Basically, she was having a hard time trying to come back to the middle and then speak about it with any conviction. If you try to be somebody you're not, it's hard." Manchin resisted entreaties that he run for president as an independent in 2024, lest he be a spoiler. But he said there was room for a real third party. "The centrist part of both parties," he said on CNN. "So the centrist moderate vote decides who's going to be the president of the United States. And when they get here, they don't govern that way. Neither side does. They go to their respective corners. So if a centrist had a voice and had a party that could make both of these, the Democrat and Republican Party come back, OK, that would be something." Manchin told CNN that the new organization would be called the American Party, and while he wouldn't lead it, "I'll be the best cheerleader they've ever had." (c)2024 the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette. Visit the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette at www.post-gazette.com . Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.
By BILL BARROW, Associated Press ATLANTA (AP) — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A president from Plains A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. And then, the world Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” ‘An epic American life’ Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. A small-town start James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. ‘Jimmy Who?’ His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Accomplishments, and ‘malaise’ Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. ‘A wonderful life’ At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015 . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.” ___ Former Associated Press journalist Alex Sanz contributed to this report.
AP News Summary at 1:32 p.m. ESTSYDNEY (Reuters) - Wallabies centre Joseph Suaalii could face Ireland in the final match of Australia's tour in Dublin this weekend despite leaving the pitch with an injury against Scotland on Sunday. Fears that the high-profile rugby league convert had broken his wrist in a tackle on Scotland captain Sione Tuipulotu during the 27-13 loss at Murrayfield proved unfounded, the team said in a medical update released on Tuesday. "Joseph Suaalii lost function and had severe pain in his right arm and was substituted," it said. "After travelling with the team to Ireland, his function is returning, and pain is subsiding. He was medically reviewed post-game and there is no evidence of a fracture and will be monitored throughout the week." Lock Jeremy Williams, who was forced to pull out of the team for the Scotland game because of illness, is "recovering positively", the team said. Will Skelton, who started in the second row against Scotland, is unavailable for Saturday's match against the Irish because of club commitments as the fixture falls outside the international window. (Reporting by Nick Mulvenney, editing by Pritha Sarkar)The United States Army has ordered three additional Boeing CH-47F Block II Chinooks to recapitalize the US Army’s heavy-lift helicopter fleet. The US Army wants 465 CH-47 Chinook Block IIs , but Boeing is under contract for only nine, with these three costing USD 135 million. Keeping Chinooks flying for another 40+ years In a Boeing December 4 statement, Boeing shared that the US Army had a “desired goal” to flying Chinooks for, “at least another 40 years”. The H-47 Chinook has a rich history going back 63 years. Already CH-47F Block IIs are in production: As Heather McBryan, vice president and program manager of Boeing Cargo Helicopters, shared in Boeing's statement, “It is critical soldiers get to their destinations and have the equipment they need to accomplish the mission. The CH-47F Block II’s increased payload capacity and expanded range enables the U.S. Army to meet evolving heavy-lift mission requirements around the world.” Indeed, the CH-47F Block II is the future of heavy lift. One can watch a Boeing explainer below: The US Army has already accepted two production model Chinook Block IIs after significant flight testing, receiving one in June and the second in September. The Chinook Block IIs have an improved structure, uprated engines, and new fiberglass blades to add 4,000 pounds of payload capacity. There are also improvements to the fuel capacity to allow the CH-47F Block II Chinook to fly further. What makes the Block II Ch-47F unique? Good question. Below is a quick list from a US Department of Defense’s Office of the Director, Operational Test and Evaluation pamphlet made in 2020 plus a Honeywell webpage: Reduced weight ballistic protection system Redesigned flight control system with Digital Automatic Flight Control System (DAFCS) to help make the CH-47F Block II Chinook easier to fly by making the Chinook more responsive. New rotor blade design Redesigned fuel system Updated Common Avionics Architecture System (CAAS) New Honeywell T55-GA-714C turboshaft engines In a previous Simple Flying article about the British getting their upgraded Chinook helicopters, the Collins Aerospace CAAS was discussed : The Royal Air Force's new Chinooks will come with state-of-the-art avionics by Collins Aerospace. But one of the key elements of the Block II upgrade is the new engines. So, let’s take a look at the Honeywell T55-GA-714C turboshaft engines. New Honeywell T55-GA-714C engines add 22% more power Honeywell, which manufactures the two jet turboshaft engines that power each Chinook, has created several infographics on the capabilities of their T55-GA-714Cs. Honeywell’s new engines, which have more horsepower, are more maintainer-friendly and have 28% decreased repair time, but they also consume 8% less fuel while providing 20% more power. Below is a Honeywell overview of this project: Honeywell also created an infographic about the upgrade worth sharing here: T55-GA-714Cs can easily replace previous Chinook engines, not just because they are from the same manufacturer but also because the Honeywell T55-GA-714C engines use the same connection points to the intake, the exhaust and the airframe.. They are very cost-effective as the latest variant of T55 with 6,000 shaft horsepower. Keep up with the latest Simple Flying coverage of military aviation here . Since the first Chinook flew on September 21, 1961, every Chinook has relied on T55 turboshaft engines. Even the special forces MH-47 variants. A use case shows the T55 legacy For 63 years, the T55 engines have been tested in tough combat and in domestic emergencies. As to domestic emergencies, for example, Honeywell did an interview with the California National Guard Chief Warrant Officer 5 Joe Rosamond about how Rosamond flew the Chinook to conduct a rescue mission during a September 2020 wildfire that Rosamand called, “The most dangerous and risky thing I’ve ever gotten myself into.” One can watch a YouTube of the interview below. However, to Rosamand, the pick-up area was covered by smoke and required night-vision goggles to find a safe landing zone. The safe landing zone to pick up on the first lift 65 souls – some of which injured – happened to be a boat ramp. On the second lift however, the Chinook powered by the current T55 variant in T55-714A was able to pick up on the second flight 102 souls. Far exceeding the Chinook’s limits, but the desire to not separate families was strong. But for the Chinook with T55 engines, as Rosamond explained, “With that many people onboard, we found ourselves heavier than we expected to be. The conditions were hot, heavy, dark and, in this case, smoky. I knew we were operating the aircraft near its limits or just a little higher than recommended. ... The temperature ranges of these engines are pretty enormous, and as long as you stay within those limits, I’ve never had an engine fail or even hiccup. They’re super-reliable engines, which breeds a lot of confidence.” With even more capability from the new T55-GA-714C turboshaft engines, the new CH-47F Chinook Block II will be able to continue providing these in extremis rescues in National Guard service. Among other duties the US Army an d other Chinook customers need to provide for America’s well-being. Bottom line: Chinook Block II with new engines key to Chinook persistence Ultimately, the Chinook Block II with new Honeywell T55-GA-714C turboshaft engines is key to continuing the Chinook’s track record of persistence. As Dave Marinick, President of Engines and Power Systems, Honeywell Aerospace Technologies, shared in a February 26 Honeywell statement when Germany contracted with Honeywell for 105 T55-GA-714Cs; “Chinooks have proved to be one of the most versatile vehicles in military history, and perform missions that include troop transport, search and rescue, and special operations, among others.” We’ll let President Marinick have the last word.
