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Townsquare Capital LLC decreased its stake in shares of SPDR Portfolio TIPS ETF ( NYSEARCA:SPIP – Free Report ) by 12.1% during the 3rd quarter, according to the company in its most recent 13F filing with the Securities and Exchange Commission. The firm owned 8,515 shares of the company’s stock after selling 1,177 shares during the period. Townsquare Capital LLC’s holdings in SPDR Portfolio TIPS ETF were worth $224,000 as of its most recent SEC filing. Other large investors have also recently bought and sold shares of the company. 1620 Investment Advisors Inc. acquired a new position in shares of SPDR Portfolio TIPS ETF in the 2nd quarter worth approximately $26,000. Farmers & Merchants Investments Inc. acquired a new position in shares of SPDR Portfolio TIPS ETF in the 2nd quarter worth approximately $31,000. Prosperity Planning Inc. acquired a new position in shares of SPDR Portfolio TIPS ETF in the 3rd quarter worth approximately $206,000. Charles Schwab Trust Co acquired a new position in shares of SPDR Portfolio TIPS ETF in the 3rd quarter worth approximately $218,000. Finally, Nwam LLC acquired a new position in shares of SPDR Portfolio TIPS ETF in the 3rd quarter worth approximately $227,000. SPDR Portfolio TIPS ETF Price Performance SPDR Portfolio TIPS ETF stock opened at $25.88 on Friday. The firm’s 50 day simple moving average is $25.83 and its 200-day simple moving average is $25.74. SPDR Portfolio TIPS ETF has a fifty-two week low of $24.94 and a fifty-two week high of $26.43. SPDR Portfolio TIPS ETF Company Profile The SPDR Portfolio TIPS ETF (SPIP) is an exchange-traded fund that mostly invests in investment grade fixed income. The fund tracks a market-value-weighted index of inflation-protected US Treasurys with a remaining maturity of at least one year. SPIP was launched on May 25, 2007 and is managed by State Street. Read More Receive News & Ratings for SPDR Portfolio TIPS ETF Daily - Enter your email address below to receive a concise daily summary of the latest news and analysts' ratings for SPDR Portfolio TIPS ETF and related companies with MarketBeat.com's FREE daily email newsletter .
India's economic transformation over the past two decades has lifted millions out of poverty. But this growth has not been evenly distributed. Persistent disparities in income, expenditure and savings highlight a fragile narrative of inequality. ET Year-end Special Reads Corporate Kalesh: Top family disputes of India Inc in 2024 The world of business lost these eminent people in 2024 Fast, faster, fastest: How 2024 put more speed into your shopping Income In 2005, income Gini coefficient was 0.48, indicating high inequality. This declined to 0.40 by 2014 and 2016 due to welfare programmes and rising rural incomes. But Covid pushed Gini to 0.53, its highest during the period undertaken by the PRICE ICE 360° income survey, as informal sector workers faced challenges while wealthier households benefited from asset price increases. By 2023, cash transfers and food subsidies reduced Gini to 0.41, reflecting partial recovery. Brazil's experience parallels India's. The Bolsa Familia cash transfer programme reduced its income inequality from 0.60 to 0.53 by 2014, but recessions and Covid reversed these gains, with inequality rising to 0.57. Both India and Brazil highlight the vulnerability of progress to external shocks and the need for sustained social policies. Expenditure This has been lower than income inequality, reflecting consumption-smoothing mechanisms like subsidies and remittances. Expenditure Gini declined from 0.36 in 2005 to 0.31 in 2011, showing improved access to essential goods and services for low-income households. But between 2014 and 2016, it plateaued at 0.33. Covid caused a spike to 0.46 in 2021, as wealthier households maintained consumption levels, while poorer households cut back. By 2023, expenditure inequality fell to 0.36, indicating recovery. South Africa provides a comparable example. While its income inequality is among the highest globally, programmes like Child Support Grant and Old Age Pension have stabilised expenditure inequality at lower levels. However, these efforts demonstrate that addressing consumption disparities alone can't resolve underlying structural inequalities. 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View Program Data Science SQL for Data Science along with Data Analytics and Data Visualization By - Metla Sudha Sekhar, IT Specialist and Developer View Program Artificial Intelligence(AI) AI and Analytics based Business Strategy By - Tanusree De, Managing Director- Accenture Technology Lead, Trustworthy AI Center of Excellence: ATCI View Program Web Development A Comprehensive ASP.NET Core MVC 6 Project Guide for 2024 By - Metla Sudha Sekhar, IT Specialist and Developer View Program Marketing Digital Marketing Masterclass by Pam Moore By - Pam Moore, Digital Transformation and Social Media Expert View Program Artificial Intelligence(AI) AI-Powered Python Mastery with Tabnine: Boost Your Coding Skills By - Metla Sudha Sekhar, IT Specialist and Developer View Program Office Productivity Mastering Microsoft Office: Word, Excel, PowerPoint, and 365 By - Metla Sudha Sekhar, IT Specialist and Developer View Program Marketing Digital marketing - Wordpress Website Development By - Shraddha Somani, Digital Marketing Trainer, Consultant, Strategiest and Subject Matter expert View Program Office Productivity Mastering Google Sheets: Unleash the Power of Excel and Advance Analysis By - Metla Sudha Sekhar, IT Specialist and Developer View Program Web Development Mastering Full Stack Development: From Frontend to Backend Excellence By - Metla Sudha Sekhar, IT Specialist and Developer View Program Finance Financial Literacy i.e Lets Crack the Billionaire Code By - CA Rahul Gupta, CA with 10+ years of experience and Accounting Educator View Program Data Science SQL Server Bootcamp 2024: Transform from Beginner to Pro By - Metla Sudha Sekhar, IT Specialist and Developer View Program Savings This remains India's most pronounced and persistent challenge. In 2005, savings Gini coefficient was 0.78, highlighting severe disparities in wealth accumulation. By 2014, it improved to 0.60 due to financial inclusion programmes like Pradhan Mantri Jan Dhan Yojana, which brought millions into the formal financial system. Covid disrupted this progress, pushing savings Gini to 0.73 in 2021 as wealthier households saved more while poorer households struggled. By 2023, it improved to 0.56, but wealth accumulation gaps persist. Indonesia's experience echoes these challenges. Despite progress in financial inclusion, wealth disparities endure due to unequal access to investments like real estate and equities, concentrated among the wealthy. This underscores the need for policies that address systemic barriers to wealth creation. Dimensions of inequality are interconnected, influencing broader economic outcomes. Income inequality directly drives savings inequality, as higher-income households can save and invest more, compounding wealth disparities. Expenditure inequality reflects disparities in access to goods and services, further amplifying income and savings gaps. Experiences from Brazil, South Africa and Indonesia reveal that addressing only one dimension of inequality is insufficient. Policies must focus on income generation, equitable consumption and wealth accumulation to achieve inclusive growth. Structural factors underlie India's inequality trends. Economic changes have disproportionately benefited high-skilled and urban populations, leaving low-income and rural households behind. The pandemic widened these disparities, particularly for informal sector workers and marginalised groups. Financial inclusion has improved banking access, but wealth-building barriers persist. Redistribution policies like rural employment schemes and direct benefit transfers reduce inequality but require scaling up to tackle systemic challenges effectively. Expanding MGNREGA to urban areas can offer a crisis safety net. Progressive taxation, including wealth and luxury taxes, could fund redistributive programmes. Investing in education and skills is vital for low-income workers in growth sectors like tech and manufacturing. Financial inclusion must foster wealth creation via credit and investments. Targeted rural development in infra, healthcare, and education is key to reducing regional disparities and driving inclusive growth. The PRICE ICE 360° surveys reveal that while progress has been made, external shocks like the pandemic expose the fragility of these gains. Policymakers must prioritise resilience and inclusivity to ensure economic growth benefits for all. Reducing inequality is not only a moral imperative but also a prerequisite for sustainable development.Survey: Small businesses feel optimistic about the economy after the election
Nordson EVP Trades $251K In Company StockBhopal (Madhya Pradesh): The outcome of the Maharashtra and Jharkhand assembly election, which will be announced on Saturday, will not only impact the national politics but also the state politics. The prestige of several important leaders of Madhya Pradesh is at stake in these elections. If the BJP wins Jharkhand, it will have an impact on the stature of Union Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan. He is the party’s in-charge in Jharkhand. He has been visiting the state for the past three months. If the BJP wins, Chouhan will get its benefits. Chouhan became a Union Minister after he did not get a chance to head MP for the fourth term. In case of BJP’s win in the state, Chouhan’s grip on the party organisation will be stronger than it is now. MP’s Urban Development Minister Kailash Vijayvargiya has been very active in Maharashtra. He has been in Vidarbha for three months. Staying in Vidarbha, Vijayvargiya controlled the party’s electioneering. If the BJP gets good number of seats in Vidarbha, Vijayvargiya will get its benefits. In the previous assembly election, the BJP was on not strong wicket in the Vidarbha region. Vijayvargiya’s prestige depends on the number of seats the BJP gets there. He has already campaigned for the party in Haryana, Bihar, UP, West Bengal and Uttarakhand.Ousted Syrian leader Assad flees to Moscow after fall of Damascus, Russian state media say (copy)
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AP News Summary at 6:44 p.m. ESTBy PETER SMITH A social-media tribute to Coptic Christians. A billboard in Amish country. A visit to a revered Jewish gravesite. While Donald Trump’s lock on the white evangelical vote is legendary, he and his campaign allies also wooed smaller religious groups, far from the mainstream. As it turned out, Trump won by decisive margins, but his campaign aggressively courted niche communities with the understanding that every vote could be critical, particularly in swing states. Voter surveys such as exit polls, which canvass broad swaths of the electorate, aren’t able to gauge the impact of such microtargeting, but some backers say the effort was worth it. Just one week before the election, Trump directed a post on the social-media platform X to Coptic Christians in the United States —- whose church has ancient roots in Egypt. He saluted their “Steadfast Faith in God, Perseverance through Centuries of Persecution and Love for this Great Country.” “This was the first time seeing a major U.S. presidential candidate address the community in this manner,” said Mariam Wahba, a Coptic Christian and research analyst with the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, a Washington-based research institute. “It was really a profound moment.” She said many Copts share the conservative social views of other Christian groups in the Republican constituency, and they may already have been Trump supporters. But the posting reinforced those bonds. Coptic bishops sent the president-elect congratulations after his victory and cited their “shared social and family values.” Some Assyrian Christians — another faith group with Middle Eastern roots — similarly bonded with Trump, whose mispronunciation of “Assyrian” at a rally created a viral video moment and drew attention to their support. Sam Darmo, a Phoenix real estate agent and co-founder of Assyrians for Trump, said many community members cited the economy, illegal immigration and other prominent voter issues. They echoed other conservative Christians’ concerns, he said, on issues such as abortion, gender identity and religious expression in public. But he said Trump supported various Middle Eastern Christians recovering from the Islamic State group’s oppressive rule. Darmo also credited Massad Boulos, father-in-law to Trump’s daughter Tiffany, for mobilizing various Middle Eastern Christian groups, including Chaldean Catholics, and other voters, particularly in Michigan, such as Muslims. “He brought all these minority groups together,” he said. “We’re hoping to continue that relationship.” But members of Middle Eastern-rooted Christian groups, and their politics, are far from monolithic, said Marcus Zacharia, founder of Progressive Copts, a program of Informed Immigrants, an organization that promotes dialogue on sensitive topics among such groups in the United States and Canada. He said many younger community members question Trump’s stances on issues such as immigration, and sense that conservatives sometimes tokenize them by focusing on the plight of persecuted Christians in the Middle East while neglecting wider issues of repression in countries there that the U.S. supports. He said there needs to be more informed dialogue across the political divide in these communities. “There is no more high time than these next four years to have that way of conducting conversations,” he said. Republicans also made an aggressive push for Amish voters , particularly in the swing state of Pennsylvania, where they are most numerous at about 92,000 (many below voting age). The GOP has made similar efforts in the past, even though researchers have found that less than 10% of them typically vote, due to their separatism from society. But Republicans used billboards, mailers, ads and door-to-door campaigner to drive turnout in Lancaster County, home base to the nation’s largest Amish settlement. On Election Day, Amish voters Samuel Stoltzfus and his wife Lillian Stoltzfus said they were supporting Trump, citing their anti-abortion beliefs. “We basically look at it as murder,” Stoltzfus, 31, said outside a polling center in the Lancaster County community of New Holland, where dozens of other members of the local Amish community voted. Trump has wavered on the issue, dismaying some abortion opponents, though many have said Republicans still align more closely to their views. Stolzfus added: “Make America great again and keep the moral values,” he said. “Let’s go back to the roots.” Steven Nolt, a history professor at Elizabethtown College in Lancaster College who studies the Amish and their voting patterns, said that while it’s too early to say definitively without further research, he doesn’t see evidence of a larger turnout this year. Lancaster County as a whole — most of which is not Amish — is a GOP stronghold that Trump won handily, though both parties’ votes edged up from 2020, according to unofficial results posted by the Pennsylvania Department of State. Trump’s biggest increases were in urban or suburban areas with few Amish, while some areas with larger Amish populations generally saw a modest increase in the Trump vote, said Nolt, director of the college’s Young Center for Anabaptist and Pietist Studies. “Bottom line, percentage-wise, not much change in the parts of Lancaster County where the Amish live,” he said. Trump directly reached out to members of the Chabad Lubavitch movement, a prominent and highly observant branch of Orthodox Judaism. Related Articles National Politics | Attorneys want the US Supreme Court to say Mississippi’s felony voting ban is cruel and unusual National Politics | Trump convinced Republicans to overlook his misconduct. But can he do the same for his nominees? National Politics | Trump gave Interior nominee one directive for a half-billion acres of US land: ‘Drill.’ National Politics | Trump’s team is delaying transition agreements. What does it mean for security checks and governing? National Politics | Judge delays Trump hush money sentencing in order to decide where case should go now On Oct. 7, the anniversary of the Hamas attack on Israel that triggered the Gaza war, Trump made a symbolically resonant visit to the “Ohel,” the burial site of the movement’s revered late leader, Rabbi Menachem M. Schneerson. Wearing a yarmulke, the traditional Jewish skullcap, Trump, who has Jewish family members, brought a written prayer to the Ohel and laid a small stone at the grave in keeping with tradition. The site in New York City, while particularly central to Chabad adherents, draws an array of Jewish and other visitors, including politicians. About two-thirds of Jewish voters overall supported Trump’s opponent, Democrat Kamala Harris, according to AP VoteCast, a survey of more than 120,000 voters. But the Trump campaign has made a particular outreach to Orthodox Jews, citing issues including his policies toward Israel in his first administration. Rabbi Yitzchok Minkowitz of Chabad Lubavitch of Southwest Florida said it was moving for him to see images of Trump’s visit. “The mere fact that he made a huge effort, obviously it was important to him,” he said. Associated Press journalist Luis Henao contributed.
AP News Summary at 6:05 p.m. EST
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